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From Domestic Violence to Massacre: Judge Faults Military for Texas Church Shooting

By failing to report a violent servicemember, the Air Force contributed to the deadliest mass shooting in Texas history, a federal judge ruled.

SUTHERLAND SPRINGS, Texas (CN) — One day in June 2011, Tessa Kelley arrived at an emergency room near Holloman Air Force Base in New Mexico with her infant son. Her son had been vomiting and falling over, she told the doctor.

But the doctor zeroed in on something else: A bruise on the child’s cheek that hadn’t been there two days before. It was “fresh and a little purple” and “appeared to be a hand print,” he noted. He reported the incident as a possible case of child abuse.

Within weeks, the New Mexico Children, Youth and Families Department had removed the child from the Kelleys’ home. Because Tessa’s husband Devin was in the Air Force, they also forwarded the case to military investigators. But investigators apparently never followed up — “likely because,” court filings later noted, the agent assigned to the case was deployed to Afghanistan.

That incident was part of a pattern of violence and threats by Devin Kelley — a pattern that the Air Force had a duty to report to the FBI, a federal judge in Texas ruled last week.

Even while his behavior continued, Kelley was able to purchase four guns from federally licensed firearms dealers, each time passing a background check.

Using those weapons, Kelley went on to commit the worst mass shooting in Texas history, at First Baptist Church in Sutherland Springs near San Antonio in 2017. Twenty-seven people died, including Kelley, and 22 more were injured.

A lawsuit filed by the parents of a pastor who was killed in the shooting argues the government was negligent when it failed to flag Kelley in NICS, the National Instant Criminal Background Check System run by the FBI.

That pastor’s family — the Holcombes — ultimately lost three generations of family members in the shooting, including eight people and an unborn child. Their lawsuit has snaked through the federal court system since 2018, picking up relatives of other victims along the way.

Last week, U.S. District Judge Xavier Rodriguez ruled in favor of the victims and their families. The Air Force was 60% responsible for the shooting, he ruled, while Kelley carried 40% of the liability.

“No other individual,” Rodriguez explained, “knew as much as the United States about the violence that Devin Kelley had threatened to commit and was capable of committing.” That includes “Kelley’s own parents or partners,” who weren’t necessarily aware of the full extent of Kelley’s behavior.

Rodriguez, a George W. Bush appointee, took time to explain why he put the most blame on the Air Force in this civil suit, which is different from the criminal charges Kelley would have faced if he'd lived. Texas law, he wrote, allows for a “negligent wrongdoer” to be more liable in an incident than a “intentional tortfeasor” — in this case, the shooter. He cited a ruling involving an Austin daycare from 2009, in which the daycare was found to be 80% liable for not stopping child abuse while the perpetrator shared 20% of the blame.

The July 6 ruling gave the government and its lawyers 15 days to start scheduling cases for individual damages. As of press time Tuesday, it’s unclear how much the government will pay out to victims or whether federal lawyers will try to appeal the ruling.

The Air Force and the U.S. Department of Justice, which is handling the government’s defense, declined to comment on the case or whether the government would appeal, citing the fact that litigation is ongoing. Several law firms representing the victims, including the Ammons Law Firm in Houston that is leading the case, did not respond to requests for comment by press time.

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In its first legal response from 2019, the federal government made several arguments for why it was not liable for the shooting. Kelley — not the government — was responsible for the shooting, as were the companies like Academy Sports + Outdoors that sold him the weapons, DOJ lawyers argued. And besides, the danger that Kelley might commit a mass shooting was “not foreseeable to the United States," according to the government.

A Nov. 12, 2017, memorial for the victims of the shooting at First Baptist Church in Sutherland Springs, Texas, included 26 white chairs, each with a painted cross and a rose. (Eric Gay/AP)

Private sellers in Texas are allowed to sell guns without background checks, a quirk in firearms law known as the “gun show loophole.” The government seized on this, arguing “Kelley was aware of many avenues for obtaining firearms without going through a background check.”

Rodriguez found the argument unconvincing. Every gun owned by Kelley was purchased with a background check, the judge wrote — and every time he passed one, it “further confirmed his belief that he was above the law.”

Kelley’s “entire life” was “characterized by his inability to solve problems effectively,” undercutting arguments that he could have purchased guns in other ways, Rodriguez wrote. And since the feds ran the background-check system, they had “assumed a duty … to operate [it] with reasonable care," the ruling states.

Domestic violence incidents, like those Kelley was involved in, are among the best predictors of mass shootings, research has shown. A review this year in the journal Injury Epidemiology found that out of all mass shootings between 2014 and 2019 — defined in the study as a shooting that killed four or more people — almost 60% were related to domestic violence. In around 68% of mass shootings, the shooter killed a partner or at least one family member. Domestic-violence-related shootings are associated with higher fatality rates.

A U.S. Department of Defense inspector general’s report, released shortly after the first Sutherland Springs negligence lawsuit was filed in 2018, offered a damning assessment of the Air Force’s response to Kelley’s escalating violent behavior.

There was “no valid reason,” investigators concluded in the 100-plus-page report, why the Air Force had not submitted Kelley’s fingerprints and other documentation to the FBI. Of the four guns Kelley was wrongfully able to purchase, three were used the shooting, they noted. They called for a range of changes, including better training for military investigators and stricter gun-control legislation, citing “the seriousness of this matter.”

In 2012, about five years before shooting, Kelley was court-martialed and sentenced to 12 months for assault. Later, in 2014, the Air Force dismissed him.

But court files from the Sutherland Springs lawsuit show Kelley committed a striking amount of criminal behavior without being flagged in NICS. That includes an incident from 2014 in Colorado Springs, where — facing allegations of animal cruelty — Kelley refused to come out of his home, prompting a stand-off with law enforcement. Police, who were not aware of Kelley’s prior convictions or violent past, ultimately issued him a citation instead of arresting him.

Citing regular abuse and threats, Tessa divorced Kelley in 2012. Before she did, she asked him to confess to the abuse, though the circumstances of that confession are not entirely clear from court filings.

Kelley agreed to the divorce — and in a video, according to court records, he described himself as a “20-year-old man with no experience with babies, an anger issue, and a lack of self-control.”

“It only takes a few seconds to lose control,” he said. “It seems to cause a lot of problems in my life and it caused a lot of problems in my marriage.”

This isn’t the first time that flaws in background checks have allowed would-be mass-shooters to buy guns when they should have been barred.

Seung-Hui Cho, the Virginia Tech student who killed 32 classmates and school employees in a 2007 rampage, also should have failed a federal background check for making firearms purchases, The Trace reported. Same for Dylann Roof, the white supremacist who killed nine parishioners at a historic Black church in Charleston, South Carolina, in 2015.

Frank Campbell, a former member of the FBI general counsel’s office, helped craft the NICS system in the 1990s. Now an independent security consultant, he’s written and done interviews over the years about some of the problems facing NICS, from a lack of federal funding to overwhelmed staff that sometimes miss critical deadlines. If the FBI doesn’t clear a background check within three days, firearms dealers are allowed to sell someone a gun without one.

One common problem in NICS, Campbell said in an interview, is that files don’t include the final disposition in a criminal case. That’s because the court system typically handles that final stage of a case, whereas law-enforcement agencies make arrests and are typically the ones who put initial charges into NICS.

What’s striking about the Sutherland Springs case, Campbell says, isn’t that NICS didn’t have a complete picture of Kelley’s criminal history — it’s that NICS didn’t have any relevant information at all.

“It was surprising to know that [the Air Force] didn’t enter any information,” he said. “That’s a pretty clear responsibility on their part, and they failed to do it.”

Follow Stephen Paulsen on Twitter

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