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Tuesday, May 14, 2024 | Back issues
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As fall session nears, Supreme Court ethics battle looms over Congress

A Democrat-led push to address ethical lapses at the high court is just one pressing judicial issue facing lawmakers as they return from August recess.

WASHINGTON (CN) — While members of Congress make the most of their waning summer break — some of them posing with shirtless firefighters or showing off their antique vacuum cleaners — a contentious work period awaits when they return to Washington in September.

The fall session of Congress is bound to be characterized by a fierce battle over the federal budget, but a slew of hot-button issues face the federal judiciary as well, not the least of which is Senate Democrats’ push for Supreme Court ethics reform.

Lawmakers have for months sounded the alarm over what they say are comparatively lax ethical norms at the country’s highest court, amid a string of reports revealing several Supreme Court justices accepted high-dollar gifts, luxury travel and hospitality from wealthy benefactors.

The high court currently has no formal code of ethics.

Leading the charge for reform has been Illinois Senator Dick Durbin, who chairs the upper chamber’s judiciary committee, and Rhode Island Senator Sheldon Whitehouse.

Democrats leveraged their slim Senate majority to make some headway on the issue before August recess, passing legislation sponsored by Whitehouse that would both force the Supreme Court to adopt a formal code of ethics and would stand up a review board to analyze ethical complaints against the high court’s justices.

That effort, however, proved highly partisan. Senate Republicans have chalked Democrats’ legislation up to an attempt to punish the Supreme Court’s conservative supermajority.

“The bottom line is that this is a bill not designed to make the court stronger and more ethical,” said South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham during a July 20 vote in the judiciary committee. “It is a bill to destroy a conservative court, to create a situation where conservative judges can be disqualified by stature and to rearrange the makeup of how the court governs itself.”

Whitehouse’s bill squeaked through the judiciary panel on an 11-10 vote, strictly along party lines.

Democrats have continued to push for Supreme Court ethics reform over the Senate’s August recess, ahead of a full chamber vote on their legislation. Following renewed scrutiny of Justice Clarence Thomas, who reportedly neglected to disclose dozens of gifts from wealthy donors, Durbin blasted the jurist for what he said was a “shameless lifestyle underwritten for years by a gaggle of fawning billionaires.”

“These are not merely ethical lapses,” Durbin said in an Aug. 10 statement, alluding to separate reports that Justice Samuel Alito had not reported similar hospitality. “Justices Thomas and Alito have made it clear that they are oblivious to the embarrassment they have visited on the highest court in the land.”

Durbin, who says he has long been an advocate for Supreme Court ethics reform, has urged Chief Justice John Roberts to take matters in his own hands — but failing that, the lawmaker has said that Congress would step in.

Despite mounting pressure from congressional Democrats, the path forward for high court ethics legislation is not yet clear.

“I can’t be very optimistic that there will be 60 votes to move it out of the Senate,” said Carl Tobias, chair of the University of Richmond School of Law. “Even if it somehow does go to a vote and it passes the Senate, I think it’s dead on arrival in the House.”

Republican opposition to Supreme Court ethics reform was united in the judiciary committee, Tobias said. He predicted that there were unlikely to be any GOP defectors in a full Senate vote, where Democrats hold a one-seat majority. Republicans meanwhile enjoy a slim advantage in the House, and any ethics reform bill in the lower chamber would face even stronger backlash.

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Pushing through such partisan headwinds is made particularly difficult as the 2024 election season gets underway, Tobias said, pointing out that Senate Republicans would likely be dug in on the issue as they aim to wrest control of the upper chamber from Democrats.

“Until we’re past the 2024 elections, I don’t think there’s anything that could pass, unless it’s very watered down,” he said.

For now, the best chance of addressing ethically dubious conduct from Supreme Court justices needs to come from within, Tobias said, suggesting that the high court should commit to the same ethical standards as the rest of the federal judiciary.

“They could tamp down whatever criticism there is if they would just do that,” he observed, “and it wouldn’t been that onerous.”

“The excuses are just not sufficient, given the number of different incidents alleged and justices who have partaken in that behavior, so something needs to be done,” Tobias said. “Otherwise, the American public is not going to trust the Supreme Court, which is not a good situation.”

Alito and Thomas aren’t the only jurists to have been caught up in the ethics maelstrom. Justice Sonia Sotomayor also reportedly employed her staff to promote book sales at universities where she had been invited to speak.

Bottlenecked judicial appointments

At the same time the Senate is gearing up to grapple with ethics reform at the high court, it also faces a growing backlog of unconfirmed federal judges, as Democrats angle to promote the White House’s judicial agenda.

The upper chamber, responsible for approving President Joe Biden’s judicial appointments, has confirmed roughly 140 federal judges since the president took office. The Senate greenlit around 234 such appointments under former President Donald Trump.

Although judiciary chair Durbin and other Democrats had aimed to surpass the rate of confirmations under the previous administration, the pace has slowed in recent months, Tobias said. The professor pointed out that some of the White House’s less controversial picks have been sitting dormant on the Senate calendar for months without a vote.

“I don’t think there’s any excuse for not moving people who are on the floor for a year, or even a couple of months,” Tobias said. “I think all of those people should go through. There’s no reason to think that they wouldn’t have the votes.”

The delay, however, isn’t just thanks to procedural deadlock in Congress.

“Durbin has said over and over that he would hold [confirmation] hearings every two weeks the Senate is in session, and he’s held to that when he can,” Tobias said. “But, the White House is also a sticking point.”

The Biden administration, which sends its judicial nominees to the Senate, hasn’t provided enough picks for the number of vacancies on federal courts across the country, Tobias said. That trend is expected to change in the upcoming session with a package of new nominees from the White House.

Although Democrats appear committed to confirming as many of President Biden’s judicial appointments as possible, they are running out of time in the run-up to the 2024 election, Tobias observed. “I don’t see the numbers,” he said. “You’ve got to have the nominees and you’ve got to have the hearings, committee votes and floor votes.”

Court funds at risk in budget cage match

When lawmakers return to Washington in September, they’ll have only a couple of weeks to pass a package of 12 appropriations bills aimed at funding the federal government through 2024. (The fiscal year ends Sept. 30.)

The already tight window has been made even more challenging in recent weeks as some congressional Republicans have signaled that they won’t support stopgap measures to avert a government shutdown if Congress can’t compromise on a budget before the deadline.

Among the controversial provisions in dueling spending plans making their way through Congress are proposed cuts to the judicial branch, which could see the funding it requested for 2024 slashed by hundreds of billions of dollars.

The U.S. Judicial Conference, the judiciary’s leading policy organization, warned late last month that such a drawdown could affect court operations.

“[W]e are compelled to advise Congress of the detrimental impacts of the House and Senate funding levels on the administration of justice and the functioning of the federal courts if those funding levels were enacted into law,” the conference told congressional appropriators in a letter.

Under the House’s proposed budget bill, the judicial branch would receive just $8.7 billion of the $9 billion or so it requested for the upcoming fiscal year. The separate Senate plan tightens the judiciary’s purse strings even further, pulling funding back to just $8.6 billion.

Experts have worried that reduced funding for the judiciary could result in major staffing cuts to the tune of hundreds of full-time positions. Among the federal judicial services hardest hurt would be the federal public defender’s office and court clerks.

A budget hit would also threaten security measures at federal courts during a time when judges and other judicial officials are facing increased threats.

“I think it’s ridiculous,” Tobias said of the proposed spending cuts. “I don’t think what the courts are asking for is out of line or inflated. I think they’re pretty lean.”

The effects of reducing the judicial budget would be particularly onerous for security issues, especially considering recent legislation passed by Congress aimed at protecting court officials, Tobias added: “Congress passes this legislation to protect judges because judges are threatened and may be increasingly so in the future. I think that was a good idea, but you have to provide the resources.”

Fears of a government shutdown grew this week after the House Freedom Caucus, made up of the some of the Republican party’s more radical members, announced it would oppose any short-term budget patch designed to keep the government running past the end of the fiscal year. The conservative voting bloc said it would only budge in return for a cornucopia of rightwing policy objectives.

Follow @BenjaminSWeiss
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