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Appeal on Illinois assault weapon ban drives a wedge at 7th Circuit

Party lines were evident as the judges dissected legislative bans on assault weapons and extended munition magazines.

CHICAGO (CN) — With a more guarded Reagan appointee between them, judicial appointees from the Clinton and Trump administrations posed stiff questions Thursday in a special and extra-long argument session of the Seventh Circuit on new laws in Illinois that ban assault weapons and extended ammunition magazines.

Backing the bans, Illinois Deputy Solicitor General Sarah Hunger and Cook County Assistant State's Attorney Jessica Scheller argued before the Chicago-based panel this morning that assault weapons, and assault rifles particularly, were "dangerous and unusual" firearms not designed for personal self-defense.

U.S. Circuit Judge Michael Brennan labeled the state's case against as over-broad in a historical context. While restrictions on gunpowder go back to the colonial era, the Trump-appointed Brennan said the state used alternative reasoning in approving an assault weapon ban.

"The why here is different," Brennan said, claiming that gunpowder restrictions were meant to protect firefighters, not take away a means of self-defense.

"We disagree, your honor," Scheller rebutted. "The 'why' here is to prevent mass death. ... The same why as why gunpowder was restricted by English common law."

Among the lawyers fighting the ban, Gilbert Dickey with Consovoy McCarthy referred repeatedly to assault weapons as the "linear descendants" of firearms used during the Revolutionary War, thus affording them analysis under colonial-era militia laws. Such laws required citizens to keep guns in their homes for "collective and individual defense," something Dickey argued as analogous to the motivations of present-day owners of assault weapons.

"We think at a minimum, you can't show a history of regulating a weapon that can be kept in the home and used in common defense," said Dickey, whose client, Javier Herrera, practices medicine in a Chicago-area emergency room and as a medic for a local SWAT team.

Just as Judge Brennan was critical of the state's position, U.S. Circuit Judge Diane Wood laced into arguments for the gun-right proponents.

The Clinton appointee said Dickey's argument would make sense only if the U.S. still relied on militia forces rather than a standing professional military. She also pointed out what those early militias were meant to defend against: Black slave uprisings and indigenous resistance to white U.S. settler encroachment.

"In 1791 you think that they were arming other races or the indigenous folks here?" Wood asked.

Wood was openly sympathetic meanwhile to the state's arguments.

"If somebody buys their AR-15 and says, 'I expect to use this for self-defense,' is that enough to say it is for self-defense?" Wood asked Hunger.

No, Hunger answered, instead comparing assault rifles to other military weapons such as rocket launchers, hand grenades and machine guns "designed for the battlefield" and historically restricted from civilian use in the U.S.

"They're the perfect weapon for lone shooters ... to murder masses of people in minutes, if not seconds," Hunger said, as Wood nodded along.

U.S. Circuit Judge Frank Easterbrook seemed to sit between Wood and Brennan in his ideological leanings on the issue. But while he criticized both sides' arguments, he grew especially frustrated at the attempts by Erin Murphy, representing the National Shooting Sports Foundation, to distinguish the new Illinois ban from past gun regulations, particularly restrictions on machine guns, which have an infamous connection to Chicago's history of organized crime.

Such restrictions were first implemented by the 1934 National Firearms Act and then expanded by the 1986 Firearm Owners’ Protection Act, and Easterbrook pressed Murphy over why she wasn't also challenging the constitutionality of these laws.

"You're just fixed on saying machine guns can be banned, but something that's yea far from a machine gun can't be banned," Easterbrook said.

Murphy responded that machine guns were banned specifically because of their connection to organized crime; that they were never as commonly owned by everyday citizens as assault weapons are today. By contrast, Murphy claimed assault weapons are common enough in 2023 to deflate the state's position that they are "dangerous and unusual" guns.

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"Millions of law-abiding Americans own the assault weapons which the state seeks to ban today," Murphy argued.

Wood and Easterbrook both balked at this position, with Wood calling it "troubling to have a popularity contest decide constitutionality."

Despite the heated words, Easterbrook thanked Murphy and all the other attorneys for their efforts when the hearing concluded.

"This is an extremely difficult problem," the judge said.

The panel did not say when it would issue its rulings on the consolidated cases.

Since Democratic Governor J.B. Pritzker signed the bans into effect in January, they have faced multiple lawsuits at both the state and federal level.

The bans prohibit, with some exceptions, the sale and purchase of high-powered firearms deemed "assault weapons" by the Illinois Legislature, as well as ammo magazines with a capacity of more than 10 rounds for long guns and more than 15 rounds for hand guns. The bans will not take full effect until 2024, after which they will also prohibit ownership of the offending weapons and magazines. People who already own assault weapons and extended magazine owners will still be able to keep them past 2024, as long as they bought the weapons before Pritzker signed the bans into law and provided they register the guns with the state, but any Illinoisan found in possession of an unregistered assault weapon or extended magazine past New Year's Day could be subject to felony charges.

The Illinois Supreme Court heard oral arguments last month on one of the most prominent state-level cases. The trajectory of the federal cases has proven far more complex, as two competing cases in the Northern and Southern Districts of Illinois resulted in opposing decisions.

U.S. District Judge Stephen McGlynn, a Trump appointee in southern Illinois, enjoined the bans in late April as part of a consolidated suit brought against the state by several gun store owners, gun rights advocates and a firearm trade association. McGlynn's decision came only three days after U.S. District Judge Lindsay Jenkins, a Biden appointee in northern Illinois, rejected Dr. Herrera's bid for injunctive relief.

The Seventh Circuit lifted McGlynn's injunction in May while the appeal advances. In yet another Northern District case, challenging both the state ban as well as a nearly identical municipal counterpart in the Chicago suburb of Naperville, the U.S. Supreme Court in May also declined to enjoin the bans pending further appellate court action.

Hanging over all these court actions is the conservative U.S. Supreme Court's recent reinterpretation of firearm regulations under the Second Amendment.

Breaking from its 2008 precedent in District of Columbia v. Heller, the conservative supermajority ruled last year in the case New York State Rifle & Pistol Association Inc. v. Bruen that lower courts must analyze gun laws in the context of a "historical tradition of firearm regulation," dating back to the founding of the United States and even to English common law.

That ruling was seen as a win for gun rights advocates, and McGlynn cited it in his April decision to enjoin the bans. But Jenkins also used it in her own decision, citing Bruen to argue the United States had a "history and tradition" of restricting "dangerous" weapons.

Political pressure to enact stricter gun control laws in Illinois mounted in the wake of the 2022 Highland Park mass shooting. Robert Crimo III, a local of the Chicago suburb, is charged with with killing seven people and injuring dozens more after firing more than 70 rounds from his legally owned assault rifle into the crowd at an Independence Day parade,.

With so many moving pieces to consider, the Seventh Circuit decided in May to consolidate the multiple federal cases and schedule them for a single day of argument on Thursday. Close to two dozen advocates of gun restrictions and gun rights subsequently joined the suit as amici curiae for the opposing lawsuits, as have the states of Idaho, Alaska, Alabama, Arkansas and Florida.

The sheer number of interested parties was reflected in the packed appellate courtroom on Thursday.

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Categories / Appeals, Civil Rights, Law

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