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Wednesday, May 15, 2024 | Back issues
Courthouse News Service Courthouse News Service

A month of war: How did once-serene Ecuador descend into a nightmare of narco violence?

President Daniel Noboa declared war in January on armed criminal gangs in the small South American country, which is sandwiched between cocaine-producing nations. Prison riots, murders and most recently the violent takeover of a live TV broadcast have left Ecuadorians struggling to solve the conflict's underlying causes.

QUITO, Ecuador (CN) — In November, Juana Francis Bone's 14-year-old niece went to the corner store for a minute and never came back.

When her family filed a police report, they were told each officer had some 60 missing person cases on their shoulders. Her niece would be just one more.

Francis is a law student and advocate for Black women’s rights in the organization Mujeres de Asfalto. She lives in Esmeraldas, a largely Afro-Ecuadorian city on the coast of Ecuador, today considered one of the most violent in Latin America.

News of decapitated bodies in the streets, shootouts between gangs, targeted assassinations, and extortion of people and small businesses have become common in the city, Francis says. Personally, she’s tired of thinking about it. She works from home now, tries never to leave the house alone, and doesn’t go to crowded public places where stray bullets are likely to fly by.  

“Imagine having this feeling that you leave your house, but you don't know if you're going to come back alive,” Francis told Courthouse News by phone. “I think this whole wave of violence has changed everyone's life.”

Violence in Ecuador has escalated rapidly in recent years, with coastal cities like Esmeraldas and Guayaquil bearing the brunt. Last month, the violence reached a peak when masked armed men burst into a TV station during a live broadcast. They shouted a message about not messing with the mafia while holding up several journalists. The images shocked people both at home and abroad, giving the impression that Ecuadorian officials have lost control.

President Daniel Noboa responded by declaring war against the 22 criminal groups operating in the country, which he calls “terrorists.” In the first 26 days of this battle, officials say they have taken back control of prisons and made over 5,800 arrests — including 237 people accused of terrorism — but there has been very little information released about the detainees.

The country has largely celebrated these results, as people have been living in fear and frustration over increased crime. Some polls even put Noboa’s approval rating at 80%

But many say a military response to Ecuador’s security crisis is short-sighted, as it doesn’t address the large-scale impunity, corruption or weakened state and institutions that led the country to this point.

The epicenter

As recently as 2018, Ecuador’s homicide rate was one of the lowest in Latin America, and the country appeared to be one of the safest in the region. But in 2023, there were over 7,500 violent deaths, marking one of Ecuador’s most violent years on record and almost double the killings in the previous year. Today it is considered among the top three most dangerous nations in the region.

The surge in violence began not long after prison riots started in February 2021, following the killing of a key gang leader. The assassination sparked fighting between rival gangs both inside prison walls and on the streets, which hasn’t subsided. Over 600 prisoners have since been killed in recurring riots.

In 2022, the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights released a report detailing corruption among guards that has allowed guns, knives and explosives to enter prisons. Repeated cutbacks in staff, training and rehabilitation programs also allowed the prison system to fall into the hands of criminal gangs.

Anthropologist Jorge Nuñez, who has been studying Ecuador’s prison system for over two decades, told the BBC these penitentiaries have long been controlled by criminal groups and have become the perfect place to recruit new members.  

Several of these groups are also entrenched in transnational criminal groups, like Mexican, Colombian, Venezuelan and even Albanian gangs, who have a strong interest in Ecuador’s strategic geographical position.

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The small South American country is sandwiched between Peru and Colombia, two of the region’s largest cocaine producers; it also has a long and open Pacific coastline, convenient for shipping drugs to the U.S. and Europe. Ecuador’s dollarized economy makes it an attractive place for money laundering, skipping the need for currency conversion.

But one of the main reasons organized crime gained ground so quickly in Ecuador is because of the weakened state and recent governments' dismantling of the social fabric, says Jorge Vicente Paladines Rodriguez, professor at Quito’s Central University and a specialist in drug policy and criminal law.

In 2019, then-President Lenin Moreno slashed social spending, security funding, and dismantled several state institutions — including the Ministry of Justice — after accepting a $6.5 billion loan from the International Monetary Fund. When the Covid-19 pandemic hit, Ecuador’s economy contracted by nearly 8%, while poverty and unemployment rose dramatically. With weakened safety nets, a large portion of the population is now more vulnerable to gang recruitment.  

Esmeraldas, the only province with a majority-Black population, has been one of the worst hit, Francis says. The region has the highest poverty and unemployment rates in the country, as well as the highest rates of violence.

While Francis cautions against criminalizing poverty, she says it’s worth reflecting on what drives young people in a place where it’s easier to get a gun and bullets than it is to get a job or a book.

The only way out of this crisis is to strengthen the social fabric, says Paladines. “Take away the recruiting power of criminal organizations to take away the social base of drug trafficking networks,” he told Courthouse News.

The state-crime nexus

But neither the dismantling of the security sector nor fiscal adjustment policies fully explain the wave of homicidal violence consuming the country, says Luis Córdova Alarcón, professor and coordinator of the Order, Conflict and Violence research program at Quito’s Central University. Criminal gangs couldn’t exist in Ecuador without state institutions being complicit, he says.

Corruption scandals have long plagued Ecuador. In December, during Attorney General Diana Salazar's operation “Metastasis,” she set off to arrest more than 30 people — including high government officials, judges and lawyers — accused of participating in an organized crime and drug trafficking network.

Among those arrested were a former judge of the National Court of Justice and a former anti-narcotics police chief and head of the organization that oversees the country’s prison system. This came after journalistic investigations last year showed links between key players in the former administration of Guillermo Lasso and the Albanian mafia. The investigations were one of the main reasons the president was facing an impeachment trial last year, but he dissolved the government and called new elections before the trial could go ahead.

In 2020, the United States withdrew 300 visas from Ecuadorian citizens, including top army generals and national police officials, who were under investigation for corruption, with ties to criminal groups and drug trafficking. The U.S. ambassador to Ecuador, Michael Fitzpatrick, described these authorities as “narco-generals.”

"So it's not that the state is on one side and crime on the other. It's a form of relationship between the two, which explains what is happening in Ecuador," Córdova told Courthouse News by phone. “This is a key issue. Looking at the state-crime nexus will help open doors to find an integral solution. Otherwise, we will continue to go from bad to worse,” he says.  

Looking ahead

So far the government has responded to the increased violence by declaring states of exception, which puts more soldiers on the streets and set strict curfews for residents that last up to 90 days. During Lasso’s year and a half in office, he declared at least 15 states of exception, but many who live in the most violent neighborhoods of the country will say that these initiatives haven’t changed anything.

Soldiers walk a young man to a checkpoint to inspect him for gang-related tattoos as they patrol the south side of Quito, Ecuador, Friday, Jan. 12, 2024, in the wake of the apparent escape of a powerful gang leader from prison. (AP Photo/Dolores Ochoa)

So far, Noboa is using a similar tactic of militarization. In January, prior to the TV takeover, Noboa called a 60-day state of exception after word got out that a powerful gang leader, along with several others, had escaped from prison.

Later that week, Noboa declared an “internal armed conflict,” which has no end date in sight and no apparent long-term strategy. The government is already struggling to finance the operation, seeking aid from both the U.S. and Europe. The U.S. has already promised a five-year aid package worth some $93 million, as well as direct military cooperation, increased intelligence sharing and the presence of the FBI.

While some welcome the military aid, others are skeptical, saying U.S. military cooperation in places like Colombia and Mexico hasn’t decreased crime, violence or drug production in those countries after decades.

Experts like Córdova say the military response may gain Noboa some extra political points and popularity. But it’s not a real long-term solution, unless it’s accompanied by other public policies that strengthen state institutions and confront the “state-crime nexus,” he says.

Other experts say it’s time to seriously rethink the global war on drugs, because criminalization has clearly not eradicated demand. Paladines called it a “failed model.”

“This prohibitionist model is what has generated not only a state of insecurity in our Ecuador, but has deteriorated democracies,” he said.

Categories / Government, International, Politics

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