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Monday, April 15, 2024 | Back issues
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Supreme Court set to review if judges can be fired by the president

A case about stocks will give the high court justices an opening to weigh in on presidential authority.

WASHINGTON (CN) — Judges working within the federal bureaucracy could find themselves more vulnerable to the whims of political power after the Supreme Court reviews a case from a hedge fund manager accused of violating federal securities law. 

On the high court’s docket next week is a case involving the workhorses of the federal government: career civil servants who stand at their posts regardless of which party takes up residence on Pennsylvania Ave. 

A ruling from the conservative Fifth Circuit aims not only at limiting a core function of governing but also the job security and impartiality of those undertaking that task. The Supreme Court will review the matter to decide if the appeals court went too far or if the justices themselves want to shift the balance of power within the American governing system. 

At the center of that debate will be specialized judges, known as administrative law judges, working within the executive branch to hear cases brought by federal agencies. George Jarkesy faced an administrative proceeding like this when the Securities and Exchange Commission charged him with lying to investors, misrepresenting investment strategies, and arbitrarily inflating the value of his fund's holdings.

Because they work within federal agencies, administrative law judges fall under the executive branch, unlike other judges within the judicial branch. There are about 2,000 of these judges working across 30 agencies; by comparison, there are about 900 judges working throughout the judiciary. 

Appointment of administrative law judges originally differed from their peers in the judiciary, requiring applicants to qualify through a merit-based selection process overseen by agency heads. In contrast, federal district and circuit court judges are nominated by the president. Like their appointment process, administrative law judge’s firing process is also not under the president’s authority — a key issue in the case before the justices next week. 

An administrative law judge found Jarkesy violated the Securities Act, the Exchange Act and the Advisers Act with his actions. His violations resulted in a civil penalty of $300,000. Jarkesy was barred from activities within the industry and his company was forced to disgorge almost $700,000 in illicit gains. 

Although Congress empowered agencies to bring these types of suits under the Administrative Procedure Act, there is still an appeals process through the judiciary. Jarkesy asked the Fifth Circuit to intervene in his case, and the conservative appeals court obliged. 

A divided panel of the Fifth Circuit reversed the administrative law judge’s ruling, finding Congress unconstitutionally empowered agencies to bring administrative proceedings for civil penalties against people like Jarkesy. The broad ruling took aim at the core of agency adjudication, including the government’s ability to bring administrative cases and the shields that protect the judges who hand down their rulings. 

Protecting administrative law judges from presidential interference was Congress’ way of blocking the government’s civil servants from partisan interference. Should the Fifth Circuit’s ruling be upheld by the Supreme Court, those guardrails could vanish, giving the president full authority to fire these judges. 

“If the lower court’s decision stands, history has taught that disruption within the SEC is likely to ensue, followed by swift, if not immediate, action from the President,” the Federal Administrative Law Judges Conference wrote in an amicus brief.  

Just five years ago, the Supreme Court handed down Lucia v. SEC, finding that administrative law judges were “officers of the United States.” The classification altered the appointment of these judges. 

Then-President Donald Trump issued an executive order less than a month after Lucia which moved administrative law judges from the competitive service and to the selective service. The highly selective merits selection process was out, and appointment — by the president, head of department or court of law — was in. 

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“That order fundamentally transformed the hiring standards and criteria for ALJs, replacing the competitive merit selection with nebulous hiring criteria that can fairly be considered politically driven,” the conference wrote. “Still, it was the fact that Executive Order 13843 was issued on July 10, 2018, nineteen days following the Lucia decision, dated June 21, 2018, that was most telling: The President puts their thumb on the scale where permitted.” 

The judges say upholding the Fifth Circuit’s ruling would allow President Joe Biden, or any president that succeeds him, to remove these judges at will, too, including if he didn't agree with a decision the judge made. 

“Still, even if the president exercised restraint, opting to not act, the threat of removal will infringe on the decisional independence provided to ALJs under the APA, while simultaneously depriving parties of due process, and causing the public to, once again, think of ALJs as mere tools of the heads of their agency; or worse, as a political tool of the president,” the conference wrote. “The lessons of history should not be lost on us.” 

Jarkesy is arguing that not allowing the president to remove these judges, however, violates the separation of powers. He claims that the president should have the authority to remove these judges under the Constitution’s Take Care Clause.

“‘The entire ‘executive power’ belongs to the president alone,’” S. Michael McCulloch, an attorney from Texas representing Jarkesy, wrote. “In order to ‘take care that the Laws be faithfully executed,’ the president must be able to direct his subordinates in how the laws will be executed. Because ‘removal at will’ is’“the most direct method of presidential control’ ‘the Constitution gives the president ‘the authority to remove those who assist him in carrying out his duties.’’’ 

The Take Care Clause is the origin of an expansive constitutional interpretation known as the unitary executive theory that views the president’s control over the executive branch as absolute, with no limits from Congress. 

Developed during the Reagan era, the unitary executive aims to centralize federal government power under the president. The Trump administration embraced the theory, issuing executive orders to strip civil service protections from thousands of career federal employees. Trump also sought to limit the independence of certain agencies. 

Biden rescinded Trump’s civil service executive order during his second day in office. 

The Justice Department is urging the Supreme Court to reject Jarkesy’s view on presidential authority to remove administrative law judges. U.S. Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar argues that removal is only one supervisory tool but there are others that allow the president to take care that laws are faithfully executed without threatening the judges’ independence. 

“Under Article II, the ultimate question therefore is not how many levels of removal protection a subordinate official enjoys, but whether the statutory scheme as a whole ‘deprive[s] the President of adequate control’ over the official’s exercise of executive power,” Prelogar wrote

The government says the president still maintains control of the agency itself and any policy preferences it puts forward. 

“The SEC thus ‘is in no way bound’ by its ALJs’ decisions, but instead ‘retains complete freedom of decision — as though it had heard the evidence itself,’” Prelogar wrote. “In this case, for example, the Commission disagreed with the ALJ’s factual findings, evidentiary rulings, calculation of civil penalties, and calculation of disgorgement. The statutory scheme gives the SEC adequate means of controlling its ALJs’ exercise of executive power.” 

The Supreme Court will hear arguments on Nov. 29. 

Follow @KelseyReichmann
Categories / Appeals, Courts, Financial, Government, Politics

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