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‘Not out of the woods yet’: Republican retribution for SCOTUS ethics probe looms in new year

Although GOP lawmakers on the Senate Judiciary Committee have yet to make good on promises to torpedo the panel’s regular order of business, some experts say it’s too soon to breathe a sigh of relief.

WASHINGTON (CN) — As lawmakers abandon the halls of Congress for the final time in 2023, they leave behind some major unfinished business — and, for the Senate’s top legal affairs panel, uncertainty about the future of bipartisanship.

Despite long-standing calls for cross-aisle cooperation from Democratic leadership, partisan tensions flared on the Senate Judiciary Committee in the waning months of the year, catalyzed primarily by lawmakers’ probe into ethical malfeasance on the Supreme Court.

Spearheaded by panel chair Senator Dick Durbin and Rhode Island Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, the Supreme Court ethics investigation has become one of the Judiciary Committee’s defining efforts this year. The issue reentered the spotlight in the spring, following reports from investigative journalism organization ProPublica that Justice Clarence Thomas had gone on luxury vacations with billionaire real estate developer and conservative megadonor Harlan Crow. 

In the following months, further revelations tied both Thomas and fellow Justice Samuel Alito to a web of conservative benefactors and legal activists from whom they appear to have accepted lavish gifts.

Until recently, the Supreme Court had financial reporting requirements, but no formal code of ethical standards. Despite that, much of the hospitality accepted by Thomas and Alito went unreported on the justices’ annual financial disclosure forms.

In the Judiciary Committee, Durbin and Senate Democrats vowed to hold the Supreme Court accountable if it refused to self-regulate.

“Ethics cannot simply be left to the discretion of the nation’s highest court,” Durbin, who has advocated for Supreme Court ethics reform since at least 2012, told his colleagues during a May hearing.

As part of their inquiry, Democrats have advanced a bill aimed at forcing the high court to adopt a code of ethics. Lawmakers have also demanded that the justices’ benefactors — including Crow and conservative legal activist Leonard Leo — turn over detailed records of their relationships with high court jurists.

Republicans on the Judiciary Committee, meanwhile, have raged against their colleagues’ push to legislate Supreme Court ethics reform — framing the effort as unconstitutional and decrying it as a political stunt aimed at exacting revenge on the conservative-dominated high court.

The Supreme Court, for its part, has responded to Democrats’ inquiry on two occasions. The high court first weighed in in April, when Chief Justice John Roberts sent the Judiciary Committee a statement of judicial ethics cosigned by all nine sitting justices. 

The court took even more drastic action last month, issuing its first-ever formal ethics code. Critics, however, have said that the document doesn’t actually set any new standards and lacks the teeth to enforce ethics lapses. 

Durbin has lauded the new code as a “step in the right direction,” but said that it doesn’t go far enough.

Threats of Republican retaliation

Until last month, the GOP’s opposition to the ethics probe was largely rhetorical. Things took a drastic turn, though, at a November meeting in the Judiciary Committee, during which Democrats authorized subpoenas for Crow and Leo. Walking out of the vote in protest, Republican lawmakers promised that the ethics probe would have far-reaching implications.

“This is a joke,” seethed Senator Lindsey Graham, the Judiciary Committee’s GOP ranking member. “This is going to fundamentally change the way the committee operates.”

Texas Senator John Cornyn declared that Democrats had “destroyed one of the most important committees in the United States Senate.”

Graham later suggested to reporters that committee Republicans would stop cooperating with Democrats on some of the panel’s most vital business, such as approving White House nominees for federal court vacancies.

Arkansas Republican Tom Cotton put it bluntly, telling Courthouse News that committee Democrats “won't be able to get a resolution praising mom, apple pie and baseball across the Senate floor.”

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Despite those grave warnings, the promised Republican retaliation has yet to materialize. In the weeks since the subpoena blowout, the Judiciary Committee has continued to advance judicial nominees — including several who enjoy GOP backing — without much fanfare.

That doesn’t mean Republicans have moved on, though, said Gabe Roth, director of the reform-minded Supreme Court advocacy group Fix the Court.

“I don't think we're out of the woods yet in terms of potential retribution inside for the perceived slights of the subpoenas,” Roth said. “Just because it hasn’t happened yet doesn’t mean it won’t happen.”

End-of-year policy issues in the Senate, such as the defense appropriations bill and negotiations on an aid package for Ukraine and Israel may have topped Republicans’ list of priorities, he observed, and the Supreme Court ethics battle could rear its head in the new year.

The subject carries some weight for Republicans, Roth said, pointing to the nearly 180 amendments lawmakers offered to the subpoena authorizations approved last month.

“They clearly care about this,” he said, “way more than I would have expected. Republicans are twisting themselves in knots trying to figure out a way to slow down the process.”

It would be painful for Democrats to lose the support of some Republican colleagues, such as Graham, who have historically been willing to work across the aisle on issues such as judicial appointments, said Carl Tobias, chair of the University of Richmond School of Law.

“Graham has carried a lot of water for Biden’s nominees,” Tobias said. The South Carolina Senator has been a vocal advocate of the blue slip process by which lawmakers can offer support for judicial appointments, he added.

Although Republicans are likely to continue their obstruction once lawmakers return to Washington in January, Roth predicted that they may be forced to come around — arguing that their efforts to hamper what he framed as legitimate Senate oversight of the Supreme Court may come back to haunt lawmakers in the future.

“Just because it’s a six-three court today doesn’t mean it’s going to be a six-three court tomorrow,” he said. “The idea that you're going to completely kneecap the Judiciary Committee from doing its job investigating judges and justices will have a negative impact when the shoe is on the other foot.”

The GOP, Roth forecast, may ultimately hesitate to set a precedent about the committee’s subpoena power, especially during an election year.

As for the subpoenas themselves, it’s unclear whether the Judiciary Committee has actually served either Crow or Leo with a legal summons, but it’s expected that both men will challenge the orders in court.

'Keeping a cordial relationship '

Meanwhile, the temporary stay on Republicans’ retribution for the subpoena vote has been good for the federal judiciary, said Tobias. He pointed to the recent spate of judicial appointments — including a group of five red-state nominees the White House announced this week — as positive developments helped along by the abatement of partisan tension.

“It was good to bring the temperature down,” he said. “I think keeping a cordial relationship, to the extent that you can, will help that process.”

Tobias was optimistic that judicial appointments would continue apace, with Republican support, despite threats of obstruction from some lawmakers. 

GOP senators in many states with judicial vacancies have demonstrated a willingness to compromise with the White House, he observed. “If [the nominees] look like this latest package,” Tobias said, “I don’t see much obstruction.”

Roth said he was “cautiously optimistic” that the Supreme Court ethics battle had not damaged bipartisan consensus on other legislative priorities, such as efforts to bring recording equipment into federal courtrooms or a bill to add new judgeship positions to areas experiencing heavy caseloads.

“I don’t think it has dampened bipartisan desire in those areas,” he said, arguing that senators from both sides of the Judiciary Committee had previously backed legislation on similar issues.

“Hopefully, one if not all these bills can find their way into an omnibus at some point,” Roth said, “and we’ll look back on this Congress fondly as one that, despite its partisan bickering, actually got some stuff done.”

The Judiciary Committee has at least one piece of Supreme Court legislation on the Senate floor for next year. The panel in July also advanced a bill that, if made law, would force the high court to draft a code of ethics and allow the public to weigh in on its development. The legislation, authored by Whitehouse, would also stand up an ethics review board to investigate claims against Supreme Court justices.

Whitehouse’s bill cleared the Judiciary Committee by a narrow, one-vote margin, and is currently stuck in a holding pattern on the Senate floor.

Some lawmakers, mainly Republicans, have speculated that Democrats do not have the 60 votes necessary to pass the measure, which is why Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer has not brought it to the floor.

“They do a pretty good job of counting,” Tobias said of Schumer and Durbin. “Why embarrass yourself if you know you can’t get 60 votes?”

As for Democrats’ ongoing Supreme Court investigation, Roth said he hoped that lawmakers will follow through in the new year.

“It's a positive development when the lawmakers who are charged with oversight do good faith, legitimate oversight,” he said.

Follow @BenjaminSWeiss
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