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Courthouse News Service Courthouse News Service

Mexico is a dangerous place for journalists. Its president is making it worse

So far seven journalists have been killed in Mexico in 2022, already closing in on last year’s total of 10 and setting a pace to become the deadliest presidential term for the press in the country’s history.

MEXICO CITY (CN) — On Friday Juan Carlos Muñiz became the seventh journalist murdered in Mexico in 2022. The police beat reporter for the Fresnillo, Zacatecas, news site Testigo Minero, was shot while working his second job as a taxi driver. 

Although violence against journalists is not a new problem in Mexico, it has grown significantly worse under President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, according to political analyst Carlos Bravo Regidor.

“The problem didn’t begin with López Obrador, and it won’t end with him either,” said Bravo, who also works as a research professor in the journalism program at the Mexico-City based government think tank the Center for Research and Teaching in Economics.

“It’s a problem that doesn’t depend on the sitting president, a structural one that has to do with impunity, insecurity and the precariousness of the work of journalists,” he added. 

Still, López Obrador isn’t helping the situation. 

In February, the president presented in one of his trademark daily morning press conferences what he said were the earnings of journalist Carlos Loret de Mola in retaliation for an investigation into possible conflicts of interest by López Obrador’s son José Ramón López Beltrán.

Conducted by Latinus, the news site founded by Loret de Mola in 2019, and the civil society group Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity, the investigation found López Beltrán had been living in a Houston mansion rented from a former executive of U.S. oil company Baker Hughes. The company has contracts with the Mexican government to the tune of $151 million. 

Bravo called the investigation a "rat's tail" that other journalists "are only beginning to pull on." Reforma's Peniley Ramírez, for example, pulled on the rat's tail and found that the house was never registered as "rented" once López Beltrán moved in with his wife Carolyn Adams. Instead, it was listed as "off the market."

While Loret de Mola’s reputation is anything but squeaky clean — he was found to have staged the arrest of kidnapping suspects in 2005 while working for Mexican media giant Televisa — Bravo said that the MCCI/Latinus investigation is sound and promises to lead to more discoveries of conflicts of interest in López Obrador’s administration.

"There are too many coincidences here," said Bravo.

López Beltrán responded to the accusations by posting what Bravo called a “work of art of self-incrimination” in which he stated that he works as a legal consultant for a Houston-based company called KEI Partners, despite lacking a license to practice law in the United States. KEI Partners was founded by the son and daughter of Daniel Chávez, a prominent Mexican businessman whom López Obrador pegged as "honorary supervisor" of his Maya Train megaproject.

KEI Partners replaced the “Coming Soon” landing page on its website with digital mock-ups and a short video of properties it claims to be building near Houston on the day that López Beltrán posted his statement. In response to a Latinus report noting the hasty uploading of content, KEI Partners issued a statement claiming, among other assertions, that the video in question had been shown to several interested parties since 2019, “including during meetings since 2019 with local officials such as the Harris County Precinct 4 commissioner.”

A spokesperson for Harris County Precinct 4 Commissioner R. Jack Cagle, who has served in the position since 2011, told Courthouse News the commissioner had never before seen the KEI Partners video. 

President López Obrador himself has not contested the veracity of the investigations, opting instead to try and deflect attention away from them with unrelated issues such as stirring up long-simmering tensions with Austria over the supposed original headdress of Aztec emperor Moctezuma. Where distraction failed, the ad hominem attacks stepped in. 

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“It’s the oldest trick in the book: kill the messenger. Because he can’t kill the message,” said Bravo, who called the attacks on Loret de Mola and MCCI another conflict of interest and an “abuse of power.”

María Elena Morera, executive director of Causa En Común (Common Cause), a Mexico City-based nonprofit that works to hold government officials accountable for matters of public security, called López Obrador’s invectives against members of the press “hate speech” that only serves to further polarize an already extremely divided Mexico.

López Obrador regularly calls journalists “mercenaries” and “conservative coup-stagers” in his daily morning press conferences.

“This discourse of hate is very negative for Mexico. It doesn’t contribute to the development of the country to generate less violence,” said Morera. 

President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador gives his daily, morning news conference at the presidential palace, Palacio Nacional, in Mexico City, in this Dec. 18, 2020 photo. (AP Photo/Marco Ugarte, File)

The journalistic community in Mexico is feeling the effects of this discourse more strongly than ever. The country saw 10 journalists murdered in 2021, and with seven murdered in the first three months of this year, 2022 is shaping up to be even deadlier for the profession. 

The London-based organization Article 19, which advocates for freedom of expression and information, called for immediate action from the Mexican government after four journalists were murdered in January alone. 

Several journalists murdered in recent years had been registered in the federal government’s Mechanism for Protection of Human Rights Defenders and Journalists, a 2018 reform meant to strengthen a 2012 law to protect activists and journalists. The magazine Expansión reported in February that 151 people working in these sectors had been murdered since López Obrador took office in 2018. Two journalists have been killed since that report. 

One problem with the mechanism is that the very authorities meant to protect journalists are often a threat themselves.

Derek Flores was registered in the mechanism for three years while working the police beat, known in Mexico as la nota roja (the red news), in the city of Ecatepec, México state, one of the most violent cities in the country. 

He was often barred access to crime scenes by local police, sometimes forced to climb walls or find other ways of getting past them in order to do his job. 

“I did not feel protected under the mechanism, because when you press the ‘panic button,’ as it’s called, it’s the very police who come to protect you who end up assaulting you,” said Flores. He felt that the system should call on federal law enforcement, rather than state or local police, in order to help avoid the problem of local corruption.

Another problem was that the service only worked where he had cellular coverage through the telecom company Telcel. If he wasn’t in the service area, that panic button was useless.

A study conducted by Causa En Común tallied 5,333 acts of atrocity in Mexico in 2021. The organization defined “atrocities” as massacres, clandestine graves, torture, mutilation, burns and murders of several vulnerable sectors of the population, including journalists, activists, women and children, among other acts of extreme violence. 

A supporter of Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador sports a mask of his head of state at López Obrador's third State of the Union address in Mexico City on December 1, 2021. (Cody Copeland/Courthouse News)

However, neither the record-high levels of violence the country is experiencing nor López Obrador’s public revilement of “conservative coup-staging journalists” and “pseudo-environmentalists” will likely deter his supporters, said Bravo, the political analyst.

He described a situation of diminishing expectations of politicians in Mexican society. After the disastrous drug war started by President Felipe Calderón in 2006 and the scandal-ridden presidency of López Obrador’s predecessor Enrique Peña Nieto, for example, it’s almost as though the president's supporters are too tired to lose faith in him.

“If you’re a disappointed López Obrador voter, you don’t really have anywhere to go,” said Bravo. “People stay in crappy jobs. People stay in crappy marriages. People tend to stay when there’s nowhere to go.”

So instead, they cling to the hope the president promised but has been unable to deliver. 

“But hope is a very hard drug, and there’s a point at which it stops functioning as something that inspires or as a light that can orient you in the darkness. It can end up blinding you to reality,” Bravo said, not with resignation, but with anger. 

“Fuck hope. That kind of hope. It’s not constructive at all. Quite to the contrary. It’s complicit with destruction.”

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