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Wednesday, April 24, 2024 | Back issues
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Key justices critical of Texas abortion law

Arguments over a near-total ban of abortions in Texas showed the Supreme Court's two newest justices leaning in favor of providers who have seen half as many women coming in for the procedure in the months since it took effect. 

WASHINGTON (CN) — Focused not on the merits of what has become the country's toughest restriction on abortion but on how the law is enforced, through private citizens deputized to sue those who infringe its rules, the Supreme Court suggested Monday that the so-called Texas Heartbeat Act will have a short shelf life.

“There's a loophole that's been exploited here,” Justice Brett Kavanaugh said. 

Senate Bill 8, as the law has been codified, bans all abortions after the detection of fetal cardiac activity — approximately six weeks after a woman’s last menstrual period and two weeks after a woman’s first missed period — with no exceptions for cases of rape or incest. 

The law has drawn challenges both from abortion providers led by Whole Woman's Health and the U.S. Department of Justice, which say Texas is in clear violation of Roe v. Wade and the 1992 case Planned Parenthood v. Casey, which implemented what is known as a viability analysis focused on laws that ban abortions before the point when a fetus can survive outside the womb, usually at about 23 or 24 weeks in utero.

Because pre-enforcement review has managed to thwart abortion opponents working to overturn Roe v. Wade, Texas meant to sidestep that problem by barring state officials from carrying out enforcement.

Kavanaugh cited an amicus brief in the case filed by the Fire Arms Policy Coalition, which argues the enforcement mechanism in SB 8 could be used to nullify other constitutional rights. In a hypothetical, Kavanaugh asked if anyone who sells an AR-15 could be sued for a million dollars by any citizen. 

Texas Solicitor General Judd Stone did not back down, replying: “My answer on whether or not the federal court review is available does not turn on the nature of the right.”

“We can assume that this will be across the board equally applicable as the Firearms Policy Coalition says to all constitutional rights,” Kavanaugh pressed. 

Stone answered yes. 

The attorney representing the abortion providers argued this point as well.  

“I think the real danger is if this court does not allow the suit, then that will provide a roadmap for other states to abrogate other rights that have been recognized by this court,” said Marc Hearron, the senior counsel at the Center for Reproductive Rights. 

The case brought by abortion providers must hurdle the question of whether the clinics sued the correct defendants. As the providers see it, a doctrine known as Ex Parte Young supports an injunction against the clerks they had sued to stop the ban because the precedent holds that state officials trying to enforce unconstitutional laws can be sued in federal court.

Justice Amy Coney Barrett prodded the structure of the law and its constitutionality. She said, even if an individual plaintiff was identified in the case — which it wasn’t in this case because those sued were judges and clerks in an attempt to block enforcement of the law, the injunction would only apply to that one individual. 

“I think the answer, because you're shifting, is that you cannot get kind of global relief in the same way that pre-enforcement challenge under Ex Parte Young in federal court gives you relief from the prospect that the statute will be enforced against you," Barrett said, "and you're saying that in state court, these pre-enforcement actions do not offer that. They're just on an individual-by-individual basis.” 

The Trump appointee also opined on if the constitutional issues could even be addressed in the state courts. 

“I'm wondering if, in a defensive posture in state court, the constitutional defense can be fully aired,” she said. 

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Justice Kavanaugh spelled out the conflict in how Hearron is seeking to use the precedent, and the law on the books that comes from two paragraphs in the ruling that exclude state courts. 

“The issue here is different because it's private enforcement in state courts and that raises a novel issue for us about how to apply Ex Parte Young. … In the two paragraphs at the top of page 163 of Ex Parte Young, state courts seem to be carved out from that. So that's the tension,” the Trump appointee said. 

Justice Elena Kagen said SB 8 aimed at eluding Ex Parte Young. The Obama appointee sarcastically said the law was created by “some geniuses” who wanted to avoid the precedent in hopes that the court would not be able to stop them. 

“The entire point of this law, its purpose and its effect, is to find the chink in the armor of Ex Parte Young,” Kagen said. 

Stone, arguing for the state, said that opposition to the law should be handled by Congress. Stone did not respond to requests for comment following arguments. 

“Petitioners asked for an expansion of access to the federal courts that only Congress and not this court may provide,” Stone said. 

Kavanaugh countered this argument saying, “for some of those examples, I think it would be quite difficult to get legislation through Congress.” 

Kagan continued that constitutional rights shouldn’t have to be granted by Congress. 

“I mean, isn't the point of a right that you don't have to ask Congress,” the Obama appointee asked. “Isn't the point of a right that it doesn't really matter what Congress thinks or what the majority of the American people think as to that right?” 

The justices seemed less apt to wade into the other of the two challenges it agreed to hear just 10 days earlier, which asks if the federal government has a cause of action to sue Texas. The justices continually questioned the newly appointed U.S. Solicitor General Elizabeth B. Prelogar on the precedent they would set by ruling in this case and the broad authority it would create. Prelogar countered that the novel case required a novel solution. 

“I recognize that this seems like a novel case and that's because it's a novel law, but we do not think that a recognition here that the United States can intervene to try to protect the supremacy of federal law would open the floodgates in the mind run situations where a state is simply applying a private right of action through ordinary and fair state court proceedings,” Prelogar said. 

While the justices claimed they would not consider the merits of the law that has effectively nullified Roe and Casey precedents, Prelogar argued the law did just this. She also alleged the precedent would prove consequential for other constitutional rights. 

“If Texas can nullify Roe and Casey in this manner, then other states could do the same with other constitutional rights or other decisions of this court that they disfavor,” Prelogar said. “Federal courts are not powerless to craft relief to stop that intolerable threat to our constitutional hierarchy.” 

The justices asked multiple questions on how a ruling in the Whole Women’s Health case could affect the government’s case. Justices Kagan, Sotomayor and Barrett all asked questions to this effect. 

“I do think that if this court provided guidance in Whole Woman's Health and made clear that a state cannot succeed with what Texas has attempted to do here, then we wouldn't have that same circumvention concern in the future,” Prelogar said. “But in all candor, the concern is that then a state might seek to legislate around whatever the Whole Woman's Health decision says. It might try to tweak its enforcement mechanism in some way to get around that ruling. And I think that what that shows is that when a state attempts to thwart judicial review and creates that possibility that the supremacy of this court's decisions will not be respected, the United States may sue in equity to redress that harm.” 

Following the arguments, Hearron said he was happy to see the justices lean into the serious implications of the enforcement mechanism used by SB 8. 

"I was happy to see that several of the justices obviously had serious concerns with what the state of Texas is doing here by trying to prohibit abortions and outsourcing enforcement,” Hearron told reporters. “The real ramifications if the court were to turn away our suit here would mean that every single constitutional right that has been recognized by the court could be nullified by any state by enacting a scheme like this and I think that you saw that resonate with several of the justices. So that's heartening.” 

While the timing of the court’s decisions is almost impossible to predict, Hearron said he is hoping for a quick ruling. 

“The court obviously has treated this case with extreme expedition in the last 10 days,” Hearron said. “I think it's this is the quickest that the court has had briefing and argument in the case since Bush v. Gore and I hope that that means that the court is not going to wait, that it's going to issue some decision quickly or at least provide some relief.” 

Follow @KelseyReichmann
Categories / Appeals, Civil Rights, Government, Health, Law

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