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Friday, April 19, 2024 | Back issues
Courthouse News Service Courthouse News Service

In remote Arizona town, scars of crushed labor strike still linger

Forty years ago, Clifton miners went on strike at the largest copper mine in North America. Then the union was crushed and dissolved, sending shock waves through organized labor.

CLIFTON, ARIZONA (CN) — On a scorching hot afternoon in July, Dahl Warren retreated from the Arizona heat into what was once the local union hall in Clifton. 

Inside, she reflected on a strike that played an important part in her life and forever changed this small mountain town in eastern Arizona. The copper miners’ union that once used this hall is long gone, but a dramatic mural at the center of the room offers a glimpse into the events that rocked this place almost 40 years ago.

The mural, 40 feet wide by 10 feet tall, depicts the miners’ strike of 1983. It shows protesters, armed soldiers and a row of faceless workers moving like an assembly line into the jaws of a fanged factory. 

It’s a scene Warren remembers well. After all, she’s depicted in the mural. 

“It was a hard time,” said Warren, now 69, looking up at a younger version of herself.

Dahl Warren stands next to a depiction of her younger self in a mural of the 1983 miners' strike in what used to be the union's headquarters in Clifton, Arizona. (Sam Ribakoff/Courthouse News)

Deep in rural eastern Arizona, Clifton lies where the Sonoran Desert starts to climb into the White Mountains, ocotillo cactus giving way to ponderosa pines. 

Morenci, an open-pit mine and company town, sits just up the road. It’s one of the world’s largest copper mines. Thousands of workers there drill and blast away copper from deep within the earth, leaving barren hills in their wake.

Downhill is Clifton, today a quiet town with around four thousand people and a smattering of still-open businesses. It used to be a small and diverse community of workers, but the miners’ strike of 1983 rocked the community to its core.

It’s been 40 years since the strike started, but its effects still reverberate not only in Clifton but throughout the organized labor movement. That’s because of the lengths mining executives went to break the town's union. The experience tore up Clifton, breaking community and familial bonds. 

The strike is often overshadowed by then-President Ronald Reagan’s firing two years earlier of more than 11,000 unionized and striking air-traffic control workers — a defining moment often pointed to by progressives as the death knell of unions in the United States. But if Reagan killed organized labor, the body was buried in Clifton. In turn, the events in Clifton helped kill the blue-collar class solidarity that for decades defined left-wing politics in the United States.

Today, Clifton is a very different town. Still, the echoes of that history live on in the memories of residents and exiles who were part of and still remember that strike.

Those old residents remember something more vibrant: a community defined by a strong and multiethnic union. While ethnic divisions still permeated the town, Latinos rose to positions of power there, a rarity in the United States at the time.

“He was a union man,” said Angel Rodriguez, 83, reminiscing about his father in an interview at his home in the Phoenix area. His father was a member of the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers in Clifton. Labor organizing was “his favorite subject, I think.”

The union was defined in part by a strike in the 1940s, which — in addition to securing better pay and working conditions — had also helped integrate mineworkers into one union. Before the strike, white and Latino and Native American workers were kept segregated, undermining worker power and making it easier to violently suppress non-white workers. 

In the 1960s, the union joined the much larger United Steelworkers of America The merger let the union engage in a process called “pattern bargaining” in which negotiations between unions and companies set industry standards on issues like wages and benefits.

By the time he was in his early 30s, Rodriguez had followed his father into work at the Morenci mine. He rose steadily up the ranks of union leadership, ultimately becoming a grievance representative who helped fight for better working conditions. They were good years for the copper miners, defined by good pay and steady contracts. 

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Then the 1980s came.

The Morenci mine, North America's biggest open pit copper mine, seen in July 2023. (Sam Ribakoff/Courthouse News)

In the midst of worldwide recession in the late ‘70s and early ‘80s, copper prices fell. Phelps-Dodge, at one time one of the country’s biggest mining companies, eventually laid off thousands of workers in Arizona and shut down the Morenci mine for months, leaving around half of Clifton’s population without a job.

While strikes were common in those days, this one turned out different. When negotiations began between the miners unions and the copper companies, the unions agreed to just ask for a cost-of-living adjustment. Most of the local copper mining companies agreed, but not Phelps-Dodge. 

Without an agreement, the union went on strike in July of 1983. Rodriguez was leading the union at that time, and he promised to keep it together at all costs. “We always had it in the back of our minds that there would be a settlement and we would go back to work.”

Still, as the strike continued, it quickly became clear that the company was treating this one differently. Warren remembers looking back as she walked out of work at midnight when the strike first started. Instead of powered-down equipment, she saw that “the secretary and bosses and everyone had already taken our positions.” 

It was an ominous sign of things to come — as the strike dragged on, the mine in Morenci kept producing. 

Some managers kept working. Some unionized miners ignored the strike and went to work anyway. Soon the company hired replacement workers from nearby towns. Within months, union members started receiving letters stating they were going to be permanently replaced. 

For Rodriguez, it was a signal the company not only planned to ignore worker demands but also wanted to destroy the union altogether. “We were replaced,” he said. “It was like fighting an uphill battle.” 

In August, Governor Bruce Babbitt, a Democrat, sent in hundreds of National Guards to protect replacement workers from angry union members on picket lines around the mine. The union got support from the likes of Cesar Chavez, but it wasn’t enough. After more than a year of holding the line, workers voted to decertify the union.

Following almost two years of litigation at the National Labor Relations Board, the strike officially ended in 1986. Even then, the scars of the experience lived on. The once-united town had been divided in two, with reportedly one Catholic mass for strikers and another for strikebreakers. A catastrophic flood hit Clifton in 1983, destroying homes and wearing away workers spirits and solidarity.

Esperanza “Espie” Castaneda, 65, grew up in Clifton and remembers the golden days. The cycle of strikes and three-year contracts felt “routine,” she said. If anything, a strike meant her parents had time to take her camping. “We saw it as we’re going on vacation.”

By the time the 1983 strike was finally over, though, it was clear this strike was different. “It was like a ghost town,” she said about Clifton after the strike. “It was like a war zone.”

Old brick buildings lining Chase Creek Street in the downtown section of Clifton, Arizona, in July 2023. (Sam Ribakoff/Courthouse News)

As union workers moved away and Clifton changed, so too did the politics in Greenlee County. While in the union, Rodriguez also briefly chaired the Greenlee County Democratic Party. He’s still proud of his local campaign work for Jimmy Carter in the 1976 and 1980 elections. In 1980, Ronald Reagan carried every county in the Copper State except for Greenlee.

These days, it’s hard to get more than five Democratic voters in a room, said Susan Breen, current chair of the Greenlee County Democratic party. Harder still is getting any young people to join the party. 

Even when Democrats do win locally, they do so as independents, Breen said. “I think it reflects a change in the community,” she added. “Just people not being as community-minded [and] not having a sense that this is their community.”

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If Clifton was becoming less community-minded in the 1980s, it mirrored broader trends in the United States. Reagan ultimately defeated Jimmy Carter in 1980, ushering in an era of trickle-down economics. Just a year later, he broke a strike by the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization, firing more than 11,000 federal employees and replacing them with non-union workers.

Scholars see parallels between that strike and the one in Clifton. The break-up of the Clifton strike was “really considered the private counterpoint to Reagan’s busting of the air traffic controllers union,” said Katherine Benton-Cohen, a professor of history at Georgetown University who’s writing a history of Phelps-Dodge. In his own book about the strike, Copper Crucible, attorney and writer Jonathan Rosenblum makes a similar point, describing the Clifton strike as a test case for employers wishing to break unions through hiring replacement workers.

Those facts aren’t lost on Clifton residents. “It was by design to get rid of the union,” said Warren, the former worker, reflecting on the town’s history as she cooled off in the old union hall.

Or maybe organized labor was already crumbling. Warren may have starred in the miners’ strike mural, but at the time, even her faith in the organization was already starting to fray. Smaller unions were merging with larger unions, removing a sense of community and shared identity. As a woman miner, Warren said she dealt with sexism in the organization.

“They’ve outlived their usefulness,” she said. “Everyone’s greedy [and] living without God.” She said she’d only joined the union so she could vote against the strike — and because members got strike funds, which she used to care for her kid.

These days, Warren’s politics have drifted to the right, but the copper pit-mine in Morenci still dominates life in the area. According to the Arizona Department of Transportation, 90% of the residents of Greenlee County work for the mine, now owned by Freeport-McMoRan after Phelps Dodge merged with the company.

The effects of the strike live on 40 years later — and not just in memories of former strikers. As workers moved away, the town’s tax base shrunk as well. The union never returned. 

For years after the strike, lingering anger also continued between strikers and those who crossed the picket line. “It affected every family,” said Castaneda, who now works as Clifton’s town clerk. “It’s a deep wound.” She and her husband still live in town, but her children — both of whom watched as the National Guard marched through Clifton and fired tear gas into crowds of people — don’t. “I wanted them to spread their wings and fly,” she said. "Do what we didn’t do.” 

As for some other former miners, they left town permanently. After the strike, Rodriguez went to work first for a Catholic aid organization and later as an organizer for two different unions, SEIU and AFSCME.

Now living in Phoenix, Rodriguez still comes back to Clifton to visit family members. He doesn’t stick around very long. "When the company took us on, they destroyed a way of life,” Rodriguez said. That's what hurt."

A closeup of the mural depicting the 1983 miners' strike in Clifton, Arizona. Here, Arizona law enforcement and the National Guard members march on striking copper miners, launch tear gas into crowds of spectators. (Sam Ribakoff/Courthouse News)

Rodriguez gets disheartened by the way his kids and grandkids talk about organized labor like a relic, an oddity from a distant past. He’s glad to see another rise in labor activity, pointing to unionization efforts at big companies like Starbucks and Amazon. 

“There’s a lot of workers now that are looking for unions, and the polls say it,” he said. “I think it’s going to come back stronger than ever. Maybe I’ll be around to see it.” Sometimes, he fantasizes about returning to Morenci, just to spread the good word about organized labor. “I might want to go back and organize those people one day,” he said. “As an elder statesman.”

As for Warren, she moved away to Phoenix during the strike. She moved back a couple months later when the mines offered her the same job — this time without union representation. It wasn't the same as before, she recalled, "where everybody was like family.”

Warren is one of the lucky ones. When she went back to work for Phelps Dodge after the strike, the company honored her pension — a perk she had gained through union membership.

“I’m happy with where I’m at in my life,” Warren said in her recent interview. “I’m happy with what I got from working all that time.” Still, despite her complicated feelings on unions, it was hard to watch her community go bust. “It wasn’t easy,” she said. “It was a trial.”

The backside of the largest copper mine in North America — the Morenci mine in Morenci, Arizona — in July 2023. (Sam Ribakoff/Courthouse News)
Categories / Economy, Employment, Regional

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