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Monday, April 29, 2024 | Back issues
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Federal labor law could be completely upended by this summer

The way that labor practices have been adjudicated for nearly a century could go up in smoke depending on a little-noticed Supreme Court case.

(CN) — The country’s two richest men are quietly pressing what could be the biggest labor-law issue of the 21st century — a claim that the National Labor Relations Board is unconstitutional. And a Supreme Court case expected to be decided in the next two months could give a green light to the theories underlying this claim, throwing an enormous monkey wrench into labor relations both in workplaces that have a union and in those that don’t.

“We’ve never had anything like this before in our history,” said Kate Bronfenbrenner, director of labor education research at Cornell University’s School of Industrial and Labor Relations.

“The modern American economy is a product of the NLRB,” said Noah Rosenblum, a professor at New York University’s law school. Undoing it would be “a massive change to our political economy.”

The current conservative Supreme Court is likely to agree with the theories, Bronfenbrenner believes. And if the board is no longer able to adjudicate labor disputes, “the courts will be completely clogged. Nothing will be enforced because everything will be tied up in the courts.”

The legal theories are “much stronger than most people think,” agreed Ilan Wurman, a law professor at Arizona State University who specializes in constitutional issues in administrative law.

Before President Trump reshaped the court, these theories would have been “laughable,” said Rosenblum. But now, “we have to take them seriously.”

Amazon and SpaceX — whose founders Jeff Bezos and Elon Musk are ranked by Forbes as the two wealthiest people in America — are leading the attacks on the labor board. Starbucks and the Trader Joe’s grocery chain are raising similar claims.

Federal court cases like those of Amazon and SpaceX normally take years to work their way through the system, but a little-noticed Supreme Court case expected to be decided in June raises very similar arguments concerning enforcement actions by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission. If the SEC loses that case, it could force lower courts to immediately apply the ruling to the labor board — and throw employment relations throughout the U.S. into chaos.

Created in 1935, the National Labor Relations Board oversees union elections, which have increased 26% in the past four years to more than 2,100 in fiscal 2023. The agency also adjudicates between 20,000 and 30,000 claims of unfair labor practices each year, which can involve employees’ rights to communicate and seek workplace changes even in companies that don’t have a union.

The board consists of three parts: a general counsel who functions as a prosecutor of labor-related claims; administrative law judges who rule on these claims; and a five-member board to whom the judges’ decisions can be appealed.

Board decisions can be appealed to a federal appeals court. Members of the board can be removed during their terms only for good cause.

The U.S. Supreme Court upheld the agency in a 5-4 ruling back in 1937, primarily against a complaint based on the commerce clause. But shifting legal sands in recent years have made new challenges viable, Wurman said.

One of those challenges is that the national board system violates the Seventh Amendment, which guarantees a right to a jury in civil cases.

The Seventh Amendment doesn’t apply to all civil disputes, only those that involve private rather than public rights — those created by government itself, such as an entitlement to welfare or Social Security benefits. People who raise claims involving such issues can be denied a jury. The argument against the board is that labor relations involve private rights, and therefore a hearing before an administrative judge without a jury isn’t good enough.

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The Supreme Court adopted an expanded definition of public rights in the 1937 case and again in a 1977 case involving the Occupational Safety and Health Administration. But Wurman believes that the current conservative court is likely to overrule or limit those cases.

Underlying the distinction is the Constitution’s mandate in Article III that “judicial power,” meaning power over private rights, must be exercised only by the judicial branch, said Alexander MacDonald, an attorney with the Workplace Policy Institute at Littler Mendelsohn in Washington, D.C.

This is “the strongest claim,” he said. “There’s a really strong argument that the board is exercising judicial power and for that reason it has an invalid structure.”

A second argument is that the stipulation that board members can be removed only “for cause” — to be decided by another federal agency, the Merit Systems Protection Board — violates the appointments clause, which empowers the president to appoint executive officials and implies the power to fire them.

This argument “is a lot more viable than most people assume,” said Wurman. The Supreme Court recently agreed with two other appointments clause challenges, one in 2020 involving the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau and one in 2021 involving the Federal Housing Finance Agency.

In the SEC case, the Fifth Circuit below agreed with both the Seventh Amendment and the appointments clause challenges. But at oral argument in November, the Supreme Court spent more than two hours debating the Seventh Amendment claim and virtually ignored the appointments clause claim.

If the Supreme Court plans to rein in federal agencies such as the board, the easiest way to do so would be via the Seventh Amendment, Wurman said, because that would moot the appointments clause issue. It would also moot a separate due-process argument based on the fact that the same agency acts as both prosecutor and judge.

The Supreme Court might also want to avoid the appointments clause theory because applying it to agencies structured like the SEC and the board could call into question the independence of the Federal Reserve Board, Rosenblum noted.

Even if the Supreme Court agrees with the theories in the SEC case, it’s not absolutely certain that the ruling will apply to the National Labor Relations Board, Rosenblum said. “It depends on exactly what they say,” he noted, but there’s a good chance that the board would be in the crosshairs.

If the board is unconstitutional, it’s unclear what would happen next. If the high court rules on Seventh Amendment grounds, then presumably the agency could continue to bring charges against employers but it would have to do so in federal court rather than before an administrative judge. “We’re going to turn the world back to where the courts are completely clogged,” Bronfenbrenner said.

MacDonald thinks another possible solution would be that administrative judges could continue to operate but employers could opt out and go to court if they chose. Presumably some employers would elect to stay in the administrative system because it’s cheaper and faster and the decisionmaker would be an expert in the field.

“An employer might say, ‘I don’t want to be in court for three years and pay my attorneys $6 million,’” MacDonald said. “This is the same reason that we have private arbitration.”

But Bronfenbrenner isn’t sure this would work, because “either the administrative judges are unconstitutional or they’re not.”

Wurman proposed in a law review article that administrative judges could make findings and then parties could make objections and have them reviewed de novo by a federal judge, much like what happens in bankruptcy proceedings. But this would likely require an act of Congress, and “it’s very hard to solve things with a divided Congress,” Bronfenbrenner said.

While the constitutional issues may seem novel, “there has always been a part of the conservative legal movement that never got over Franklin Roosevelt and the New Deal revolution,” Rosenblum commented. “There are maybe 15 judges in the whole federal system who question the New Deal — but six of them are now on the Supreme Court.”

“The problems have always been there, they’ve always been noticed, and they’ve always been ignored,” Wurman added. “But now we care more about original meaning than we did 90 years ago. It’s an originalist issue, and now we have an originalist court and that makes these challenges likely to succeed.”

Categories / Appeals, Business, Courts, Employment, Government, Law, National

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