One of those clips showed Mera speaking with the Lago Agrio plaintiffs about the possibility of prosecuting Chevron's lawyers. The oil giant trumpeted it as evidence that Ecuador does not have an independent judiciary, but Mera noted that the actual clip shows him telling the Lago Agrio plaintiffs that he did not think there was evidence of a criminal case against Chevron's lawyers.
Chevron's YouTube page offers a translation of what Mera said about filing a suit with Ecuador's attorney general's office. "The thing is that ... I don't see it as a very ... uh, sustainable issue," Mera said, according to the transcript.
Reaching the same conclusion, Ecuador's prosecutor ultimately dropped the investigation.
"The Ecuadorean courts that Chevron said are controlled by Correa annulled the case and acquitted them," Mera emphasized.
Another outtake from "Crude" shows Mera asking to have the cameras turned off in a meeting with the Lago Agrio plaintiffs because taping his advice was "inappropriate."
Juan Pablo Saenz, an attorney for the Lago Agrio plaintiffs who participated in that meeting, said in an interview earlier this week that his team only rolled tape in the first place because they thought it was "completely appropriate," but he understood that the presence of the videographers made Mera uncomfortable.
Ecuador's procurador, similar to a U.S. attorney general, explained the basis for the aborted prosecution of Chevron's lawyers in a related interview at a far more bureaucratic government building than the opulent Carondelet.
Representing one of three generations of lawyers in his family, procurador Diego Garcia had a far more restrained and careful demeanor than the ebullient Mera, whose monogrammed cufflinks suited his palatial offices.
During a similarly unrestricted one-hour interview, the conservatively dressed and similarly spoken Garcia explained that the same Chevron attorneys who argued the Lago Agrio case helped draft a 1995 remediation agreement between Ecuador and Texaco.
The Lago Agrio plaintiffs, who called that remediation a "sham," called for Pallares and Veiga's prosecution for falsedad ideológico. This Ecuadorean legal concept punishes the publication of false information in the factual claims of a case, or actos, Garcia said.
The prosecutor ultimately determined that the case was not appropriate for criminal prosecution, and a civil prosecution was no longer possible by then because of the Ecuadorean equivalent of the statute of limitations, he added.
Meanwhile, Mera blasted what he called the "soap opera" Chevron has crafted on Ecuador's supposed interference in the courts.
Kaplan's ruling lumps such denials under party line by New York attorney Steven Donziger, the principal target of Chevron's fraud allegations. The ruling quotes several emails from Donziger urging officials to adopt this position when talking to the press.
Chevron meanwhile pointed to a letter from Human Rights Watch earlier this year that says Correa's overhaul of Ecuadorean judiciary relied on "highly questionable mechanisms that we believe severely undermine judicial independence in the country."
Another study from Transparency International, an NGO that measures corruption perceptions, noted slight improvement in how Ecuador is perceived under the Correa administration.
Defending the independence of the Lago Agrio trial, Mera compared the Correa administration's public expressions of support for the plaintiffs with then-Sen. Barack Obama's remarks sympathizing with them before he became president.
In 2006, Obama and Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., reportedly told the U.S. Trade representative: "While we are not prejudging the outcome of the case, we do believe the 30,000 indigenous residents of Ecuador deserve their day in court."
Mera also was quick to note that Chevron acknowledged contacting Ecuadorean government no fewer than 18 times over the course of the Lago Agrio case, including two contacts with the Correa administration.
Those contacts, ironically, are detailed on one of Chevron's filings in Manhattan federal court, which Mera provided in paper form.
Correa mentioned these Chevron meetings at his most recent enlace ciudadano, a weekly address that he gives at different locations throughout Ecuador.
Speaking of the Chevron representatives, Correa told the Ambato crowd, in Spanish, "These scoundrels were accustomed to entering the Carondelet like a dog entering his home then."
Ecuadorean citizens in the audience could not miss the implications of the remark.
For most of Ecuador's history, the Carondelet had been off limits to the vast majority of Ecuadorean citizens until Correa opened it to the public after his election. The country's highest government building now also serves as a space for rotating art exhibitions and a permanent display of gifts other countries have bestowed upon President Correa. Among these is a bowl engraved with the name of U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
Tour guides now lead citizens and tourists alike around the palace to view the paintings, sculptures, majestic fountains, opulent chandeliers, government meeting rooms and a balcony overlooking Colonial Quito's Plaza Grande, where Correa stands every Monday for the Presidentia Guard Ceremony, a changing of the guards.
One of the final sites of the tour is the Salón Amarillo, or the Yellow Room, where portraits of Ecuadorean heads of state encircle both sides of the national emblem. Portraits of those elected by Parliament hang to the left of this emblem, and those of democratically elected presidents are placed to the right, a tour guide said.
Those who came to power though coups during Ecuador's turbulent history are not honored on the wall. This includes Gen. Guillermo Rodriguez Lara, who ruled over Ecuador when Texaco began drilling in Ecuador in 1972.
Ecuadorean tradition also does not allow for currently serving presidents to have their portrait in the Salón Amarillo.

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