Part three of a three-part series.
(CN) — Scholars broadly define “push” and “pull” factors in immigration, “push” being hard times at home, be it war, government repression or disasters, and “pull” the lure of other, more prosperous lands, such as the United States offered throughout most of its history as a nation.
One of the purest examples of a push factor was the Irish Potato Famine of 1845 to 1852, which killed 1 million people and drove another 1 million overseas, at least half of them to the United States.
Caused by a mold called Phytophtora infestans, the potato blight upended Western economies as severely as our present disaster of Covid-19.
Nearly half of the immigrants to the United States were Irish in the 1840s. From 1820 to 1930, roughly 4.5 million Irish emigrants arrived here. This mass emigration led to mass prejudice against the Irish, due in part to their Catholicism, in a generally Protestant nation.
The pull factors were just as obvious. In the 19th century, when the United States was avidly seeking immigrants to cultivate its vacant lands — effectively giving away land to settlers — the prospect of land ownership attracted emigrants from around the globe.
Today, the pull factor of the United States has diminished, with more prospective emigrants from Russia, for example, seeking to move to Germany rather than the United States, for reasons cultural, governmental and geographical.
Since the Reagan administration, and increasingly under Trump, the United States has sought to discourage emigration through punitive policies, including separation of families, denial of work permits, and jailing refugees of war in immigration prisons, where they are subjected to kangaroo courts and summarily deported.
In short: the United States, certainly since 1954, has focused its immigration policies on reducing the pull factor, through harsh laws and enforcement policies, rather than trying to reduce the push factors, such as war, government repression, torture, poverty, disease and hunger overseas.
In fiscal year 2021, Congress appropriated $55.6 billion for the U.S. Agency for International Development, our primary source of humanitarian aid for the rest of the world: easing the push factors.
Also that year, Congress appropriated $703.7 billion for the Defense Department — the push factor — 12,656% more money for military pushing rather than reducing the push from overseas.
Minor adjustments to this ratio could surely help to curtail immigration to the United States.
Operation Wetback
The most egregious example of Washington’s frivolous approach to its own immigration laws was the insultingly named Operation Wetback of 1954. The Eisenhower administration that year arrested and expelled, or returned, more than 1.1 million Mexican farmworkers whom we had invited here under the Bracero Program during labor shortages of World War II and its aftermath.
(A similarly named program, enacted in California in 1855, was known as the “Greaser Act,” as Section II of the “Anti-Vagrancy Act” referred to people of “Spanish and Indian blood” as “greasers.”
(Deportations, returns, and removals are technically distinct under immigration law, but the effect is the same: a person in the United is “removed” from the United States.)
Congress authorized the Bracero Program on Aug. 4, 1942. In its peak year of 1946, almost 450,000 Braceros were admitted. Through the 22-year life of the program, 4.5 million “guest workers” were admitted — an average of 204,500 a year, or 180 a week.
Braceros were guaranteed a minimum wage of 30 cents an hour, but often didn’t get it.
The “wartime Bracero program” ended in 1947, but workers kept coming because there were no legal penalties for hiring “wetbacks,” whose numbers quickly exceeded the number of legally admitted Braceros.
The massive removals that came to be known as Operation Wetback effectively began under the Truman administration in 1951, when it expelled 690,497 Braceros, and another 725,903 in 1952. The mass removals intensified under the Eisenhower administration, which expelled 908,873 Braceros in 1953, followed by another 1,104,541 in 1954, by which time the government had given it, and advertised, its insulting name. (Bear in mind that over the life of the Bracero Program, the United States admitted 4.5 million guest workers: The term “wetback,” therefore, was not only insulting, but untrue. We invited the workers here.)