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Thursday, September 5, 2024
Courthouse News Service
Thursday, September 5, 2024 | Back issues
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In Meloni’s authoritarianism, some Italians see echoes of Mussolini

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is on a far-right trajectory as she seeks to overhaul election law, scraps abuse-of-office rules, sues critics for defamation and turns a blind eye to open neo-Nazis in her ranks.

FASANO, Italy (CN) — For Ernesto Palatrasio, a holdover from Italy's student-protest movements in the 1970s, there was never any doubt: The rise of Giorgia Meloni and her Brothers of Italy party means fascism has returned to Italy.

Sporting a scraggly white beard and sandals, the 77-year-old Palatrasio and a handful of communist comrades protested in a mostly empty square in Fasano in June. They'd come to this southern Italian town as Meloni was feted here while hosting the annual G7 (Group of Seven) summit.

The communists protested in the blistering sun — but hardly anyone was listening. Across town, many shrugged off their fears about democratic backsliding as delusional.

“It's a democratic right-wing,” Mimmo Galeota, a 76-year-old cosmetics store owner, said of Meloni and her allies. “We Italians really do have an understanding of democracy. I don't think there can be a return to fascism.”

A pair of plain-clothed police officers stood before Palatrasio, recording the group with a video camera.

Palatrasio eyed the heavy police presence. Besides the communists, they were basically the only ones here. “This too is born from this kind of government,” he said. “You solve problems over dissent with more police, more security laws, more restrictions on democratic freedoms.”

Ernesto Palatrasio, right, a communist political activist, attends a protest march and rally in Fasano, Italy, during a Group of Seven summit. (Cain Burdeau/Courthouse News)

It was a scene that clearly illustrated the fall of left-wing politics in Italy — a country whose modern republic rose from the ashes of Benito Mussolini's fascist dictatorship. 

The names of communists and antifascists — Antonio Gramsci, Palmiro Togliatti, Giacomo Matteotti — commonly pop up on place signs everywhere in Italy. But as Palatrasio wiped sweat from his brow, he offered a grim prognosis of the current political climate.

Italy's old Communist Party — once the largest in Western Europe — had morphed with the mainstream and abandoned the working classes, he said. The defeat of the “Hot Autumn” leftist student protests in 1969 and 1970 dealt the final blow.

“The cultural and social fabric that was inherited by the Resistance was destroyed,” he said. “In this desert, the old ideas bit by bit came back to life.” Under Meloni, he was deeply worried about the country’s future. He warned her neo-fascist party would seek to impose its fringe ideas on every facet of Italian life, from public television to schools.

Fast forward two months from that feeble protest in Fasano, and it's no longer just old communists like Palatrasio who are talking this way.

Since the G7 summit, where Meloni was hailed as Europe's new powerbroker, the Italian prime minister has come under increasing scrutiny not only for her domestic policies but for cozying up to other European radical-right parties in an effort to advance a revanchist and nativist agenda in Brussels.

After winning elections in 2022, Meloni won praise from other Western leaders by casting herself as a moderate. Comforted by her pro-Ukraine, pro-NATO and pro-EU posture, some world leaders have looked beyond her far-right past and her anti-gay and anti-immigrant policies.

At G7, “Meloni was on her best behavior,” Nathalie Tocci, director of the Italian think tank Istituto Affari Internazionali, cautioned in a recent opinion piece in Politico. “Now, her mask is starting to slip.”

Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni looks at Britain's King Charles, right, during the European Political Community meeting, near Oxford, England, Thursday July 18, 2024. (Hollie Adams/Pool via AP)

In Rome, Meloni's government is pushing ahead with a radical constitutional reform. The proposal would overhaul Italy's complicated electoral system, replacing it with one where the prime minister is directly elected by voters. Known as the premierato, the plan guarantees the prime minister’s coalition would receive 55% of seats in parliament. 

Meloni calls this “the mother of all reforms.” She says it will bring stability to Italy's notoriously rocky politics, where there have been 68 separate governments since the end of World War II. 

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Meloni argues such instability has hurt Italian democracy. Critics, including opposition parties and constitutional experts, warn it could allow authoritarianism to take root in Italy. “I do think the risk of a soft authoritarianism is real,” said Lorenzo Fabbri, an Italian studies professor at the University of Minnesota Twin Cities. “Meloni’s project of turning Italy into a premierato talks volumes of what she envisions for Italy’s future.”

In a statement in June, more than 180 legal experts warned the reforms would usher in a system where a minority party “could assume control of all our institutions, with no more checks and balances.”

For many on the left, the proposal also recalls the Acerbo law, passed by Mussolini's nascent government in 1923, which gave the winner of national elections control of two-thirds of parliament. Like Meloni, Il Duce also once fretted about Italian instability and prescribed a strong national government as the antidote.

Back in Fasano, 76-year-old resident, pensioner and center-left voter Stefano Palmisano said he was concerned about Meloni's attempts to change Italian elections.

“I don't want to give power to anyone,” he said as he watched the communist rally from a distance. “Democracy is great because of the dialogue [and] the need to find common ground. It shouldn't be about me deciding for everyone.”

Asked if the Meloni government was reviving fascism in Italy, Palmisano was hesitant. “There are some neo-fascist tendencies, but I can't say yet whether they are fascists or not,” he said. “We'll see in time.”

Besides the election law reform, critics point to a slate of other Meloni policies and proposals that they say are glaring red flags.

Meloni's government is pushing ahead with a law to give Italian regions more autonomy and control over tax revenues. That’s long been a goal of the League, a far-right coalition partner with core support in Italy’s wealthier northern regions. 

Opponents fear the proposal will divert funds away from poorer southern Italian regions, further deepening a north-south divide. “These reforms are perceived as an attempt to overthrow the constitutional balance on which the Italian Republic was founded,” Roberto Baccarini, an Italian expert on European politics at the University of Exeter in England, wrote in an email.

Earlier this month, Meloni’s parliament passed a law decriminalizing abuse of office — prompting accusations that Meloni was opening the door to mafia infiltration in the public sector. Her justice minister, Carlo Nordio, argues that abuse of office rules are overused in Italy, resulting in frivolous cases.

A poster of Italian premier candidate Giorgia Meloni is seen on the side of a bus in Rome on Sept. 16, 2022. (AP Photo/Alessandra Tarantino)

Besides loosening good-governance laws, Nordio is also seeking to bar prosecutors and magistrates from switching jobs over the course of their careers. Critics warn this measure would bring prosecutors under the control of the government and weaken the independence of the judiciary.

In the cultural realm, Meloni has appointed allies at the head of Italy's state media and cultural institutions. Critics say she's turning state broadcaster RAI into a mouthpiece for her government — or as they dub it, “Tele-Meloni.”

It's standard for new governments to exert influence over institutions like the state broadcaster. Still, Italian media-watchers say Meloni’s coalition has gone much farther than most. RAI “is currently subjected to an unprecedented degree of political interference that risks leading to a potential full state control,” Media Freedom Rapid Response, an EU-funded media watchdog, warned in a recent report. “Although a certain politicization of RAI is not a new phenomenon, discussions with journalists from RAI confirmed the unprecedented level of pressure and self-censorship.”

In the view of the Meloniani, as Meloni’s supporters are called, RAI has long been dominated by left-leaning shows and personalities — making it a prime target for a takeover.

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Shortly after Meloni took power, her administration appointed Giampaolo Rossi, a longtime far-right political figure, as RAI's general manager. Rossi has written admiringly about Russian President Vladimir Putin and has expressed contempt for George Soros, an American-Hungarian billionaire who often makes an appearance in far-right conspiracies due to his funding of progressive causes. 

Under Rossi's leadership, RAI has been engulfed in controversy. It came to a head in April, after Italian novelist Antonio Scurati accused the public broadcaster of censorship for canceling a monologue he was set to deliver.

Scurati was scheduled to appear for Liberation Day, a holiday held on April 25 to celebrate Italy's freedom from Mussolini and the Nazi occupation. In his monologue, the novelist planned to ask Meloni to declare that she — like other prime ministers before her — was also on the side of antifascism.

Meloni's right-wing “cultural revolution,” as the New York Review of Books recently described it, extends much further than the RAI. Far-right figures have also taken leadership roles at other major state cultural institutions, including at the Venice Biennale, a premiere cultural exhibit.

A poster scorns Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni at a rally and march against the Group of Seven in Fasano, Italy, in June 2024. (Cain Burdeau/Courthouse News)

Then there are worries Meloni has used her power to silence critics. Through defamation suits, she has gone after journalists and at least one historian.

This month, an Italian court fined Giulia Cortese 5,000 euros ($5,450) for “body shaming” Meloni after the journalist made a comment about Meloni’s stature during a social-media spat. In October, 82-year-old historian Luciano Canfora will go to trial for describing Meloni as a “neo-Nazi in her soul” during remarks at a high school in Bari in 2022. Lawsuits like these go against current trends in Europe, where new EU rules have aimed to liberalize defamation laws and rein in vexatious lawsuits. Meloni’s Italy is going in the opposite direction, as her ruling coalition aims to toughen defamation laws.

Working undercover in June, journalists with the online news outlet Fanpage got deep inside youth groups for the Brothers of Italy party — the very same environment where Meloni got her start as a politician. Their damning exposé revealed a world where fascist salutes, racist comments and praise for Nazis were the norm.

Instead of repudiating these youth groups, Meloni blasted Fanpage and vowed to go on the attack against her critics. For liberals in Italy, it was more confirmation of what they’ve long believed: Meloni is no moderate but rather a far-right extremist in disguise. They see their mission as ripping off Meloni’s mask. 

This was a central purpose for protests at the G7 summit. After holding forth to a mostly empty town square, Palatrasio joined hundreds of others for a late afternoon march.

Armed with loudspeakers and banners, they denounced and mocked Meloni and her G7 counterparts through chants, describing the group as a “gang of bandits” bent on “imperial war” in Ukraine and the Middle East. 

Valerio, a young communist who declined to give his last name, joined in the march. “She can try to hide it as much as she wants, but Meloni is a fascist,” he said. “She's been very clever. She's very good at telling lies. She's been in politics for 30 years.”

As Valerio sees it, the danger of fascist creep doesn't come from everyday Italians. Rather, it comes when fascists like Meloni get away with appearing moderate. The Italian electorate “doesn't want extremist politics,” he said. “They want a stable government.”

As police helicopters buzzed overhead, Valerio argued that Meloni’s politics thrived off of fear. 

He cited immigration as one example. Rather than assuaging concerns, far-right politicians say, “There's an invasion, [but] we'll take care of it, we'll block them and send them back.” He shook his head. “This is a republic founded on antifascism, a republic born from the ashes of fascism.”

People in Fasano, Italy, watch protesters against the Group of Seven summit pass through their town on June 15, 2024. (Cain Burdeau/Courthouse News)

In building a new state, Italy's post-war government banned the reorganization of the fascist party. Officials crafted a constitution crammed with checks and balances with the goal of preventing the rise of another dictator. But avowed fascists were allowed to remain in positions of power, and Mussolini's adherents soon founded a new political party, the Italian Social Movement, better known in Italian as MSI. 

Meloni joined the MSI as a teenager, rising through the ranks. Her party is a direct descendant of the MSI and has even retained its symbol: a flame burning in the colors of the Italian flag. To liberal critics, then, it came as no surprise when Meloni didn't denounce a neo-Nazi rally held in Rome in January. At the rally — held each year to commemorate two far-right activists — party members were seen giving fascist salutes.

For Valerio, it’s also no surprise that Meloni eschews press conferences and unscripted interviews, instead preferring to do softball interviews with friendly media. 

“She's afraid a few questions might be uncomfortable,” he said. “There are so many embarrassing aspects about her and her story.” As long as Meloni is in power, Valerio and other critics will do all they can to make sure that story gets out.

Courthouse News reporter Cain Burdeau is based in the European Union.

Follow @cainburdeau
Categories / Government, International, Politics

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