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Full Sixth Circuit upholds Tennessee abortion waiting period

The court’s majority found a Tennessee law that requires women to wait two days before they can get an abortion is not a substantial obstacle to most women seeking the procedure.

CINCINNATI (CN) — A divided en banc Sixth Circuit on Thursday ruled 9-7 that Tennessee's two-day waiting period for abortions is constitutional, in part because the number of abortions in the state has not drastically decreased since the law was put in place.

The case has been extensively litigated over the past five years, and was most recently argued before the full appeals court in June.

At issue is a 48-hour waiting period first put into law in 1978, then enjoined by a federal judge in 1981.

Following the landmark 1992 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Planned Parenthood v. Casey, in which Pennsylvania's 24-hour waiting period was upheld as constitutional, Tennessee's waiting period was put back into place after voters amended the state's constitution to exclude the right to an abortion.

The Tennessee Legislature finally implemented the law in 2015, and state officials were promptly sued by several abortion providers, including the Bristol Regional Women's Center and Planned Parenthood.

A bench trial was held four years after the 2015 lawsuit, and Senior U.S. District Judge Bernard Friedman struck down the law as facially unconstitutional last October.

The state appealed and was granted an initial hearing before the full Sixth Circuit. It argued at the June hearing that its interests in protecting the lives of unborn children and ensuring women are fully informed before having abortions outweigh any burdens imposed by the law.

U.S. Circuit Judge Amul Thapar, an appointee of Donald Trump, wrote the majority opinion of a staunchly divided court that ultimately reversed the lower court and upheld the law.

Thapar cited Casey and said the Tennessee law is a reasonable attempt by the state to "ensure that a woman's consent is 'informed and deliberate.'"

He then moved to an analysis of the evidence presented before the federal court to determine if the law constitutes a substantial obstacle to a "large fraction" of women seeking abortions.

Thapar admitted the "large fraction" concept is rather nebulous, but remained steadfast in his determination that "wherever the precise line is drawn, Tennessee's waiting-period law is not a substantial obstacle to abortion."

"In this case, as in others," he wrote, "'the hardships of which plaintiffs complain are generally no different that those the court in Casey held did not amount to an undue burden.'"

He added, "True, there are increased costs, delays, and logistical challenges associated with attending two appointments. And as the district court explained, those problems are especially severe for women with low incomes and in precarious social situations. But those burdens mirror the burdens held insufficient in Casey."

Thapar cited statistical evidence over a five-year period that the number of abortions in Tennessee dropped by only 9% after the law was put into effect in 2015.

"It is one thing to predict that the sky will fall tomorrow. It's quite another thing to maintain that the sky fell five years ago for women seeking abortions when the numbers tell us otherwise," he said.

The majority rejected the abortion providers' argument that the waiting period forces more women to have riskier surgical procedures -- instead of medication abortions -- and pointed out the plaintiffs' expert testified at trial that "surgical abortion at all times remains very safe."

In his conclusion, Thapar reiterated the abortion providers' failure to provide concrete evidence ultimately doomed their claims regarding the law's application to victims of rape or those who were pushed past the gestational cutoff date for an abortion.

"None of the plaintiffs' witnesses could name specific women who could not get an abortion because the waiting period pushed them past the cutoff date," he said. "None of the witnesses could identify specific women whose medical conditions caused complications or psychological harm during the waiting period. And none of the witnesses could point to specific women who, due to experiences of rape, incest, or abuse, found the waiting period traumatizing or were prevented from obtaining an abortion."

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U.S. Circuit Judge Karen Moore, a Bill Clinton appointee, wrote an extensive and critical dissenting opinion, accusing the majority of ignoring vast amounts of evidence considered by the federal court.

"In whitewashing the record," she said, "the majority has crystalized what has been clear at least since it agreed to hear this case initially en banc without a principled basis: this case was dead on arrival."

She added, "An honest look at the record compels but one conclusion: a law that peddles in stigma, forces women into unnecessary and invasive surgical procedures, and forces low-income women to sacrifice basic necessities for themselves and their families in order to obtain an abortion is nothing if not an undue burden."

Moore provided an extensive analysis of the evidence presented at the bench trial, and pushed back against the majority's implication that the Casey decision allows states to implement all types of waiting period restrictions.

"The record here speaks to considerations absent in Casey -- the availability of medication abortions and the law's stigmatizing effect -- and evidences substantially more severe financial and logistical obstacles than those in Casey," she said.

The 39-page dissent ended on a poignant note, as Moore contrasted her position with the circumstances of many women who seek abortions in Tennessee.

"We judges enjoy a great many privileges," she said. "Life tenure and compensation that 'shall not be diminished,' make the halls of justice quite comfortable for those of us in robes.

"But the record in this abortion case is a stark reminder that a great many of the individuals who come through our courthouse doors -- not to mention those who never have but feel the brunt of our decisions in their everyday lives -- do not share in the luxuries we may take for granted."

She pointed out that between 60 and 80% of women who seek abortions in Tennessee are considered low-income, and reminded her fellow judges they must "dignify the lived experiences of the persons whom we impact when deciding the cases before us."

"In this circuit," she concluded," the scales have now tipped inescapably against women: their rights are secondary, their burdens immaterial, the obstacles they must face are nothing."

Ashley Coffield, president and CEO of Planned Parenthood of Tennessee and North Mississippi, said in a statement Thursday that the waiting period has nothing do with patient health.

“It exists simply to punish those who seek access to safe, legal abortion and disproportionately impacts Tennessee’s low-income communities and communities of color, who already face systemic barriers to quality health care,” she said. “This law was created by politicians — not medical experts— to shame patients for their personal decisions. Well, we are not ashamed. Abortion is health care and we at Planned Parenthood will continue to fight for our right to control our own bodies because our patients deserve nothing less."

A representative for the state did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Thapar was joined in the majority opinion by Chief U.S. Circuit Judge Jeffrey Sutton and U.S. Circuit Judges Richard Griffin, Raymond Kethledge, John Bush, Joan Larsen, John Nalbandian, Chad Readler, and Eric Murphy.

Moore was joined in her dissent by U.S. Circuit Judges R. Guy Cole Jr., Eric Clay, Julia Gibbons, Helene White, Jane Stranch, and Bernice Donald.

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Categories / Appeals, Civil Rights, Health, Law

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