Critical Race Theory, Flawed Public Schools Drive Virginia’s Republican Gubernatorial Pick

A Mexican immigrant who migrated to the U.S. as a child and worked his way up to serving in former President Donald Trump’s Defense Department, he’s hoping his ethnic background might overcome CRT-related issues that he believes plague the state. 

De la Peña said in an interview that he's spoken with other immigrants around the state’s diverse D.C. suburbs who have  “gone through the assimilation process” and want to see the country return to “Judeo Christian principles.” 

“The American dream is under attack by the socialist policies of the current governor and General Assembly,” he said. “They planted the seeds leading to the destruction of that dream.” 

He’d like to see Critical Race Theory replaced with education classes that devote more energy to those Judeo Christian philosophies that he thinks are currently lacking. 

“There’s more of a prejudice against any kind of Christian classes; they run into more resistance,” he said. 

This pushback against Critical Race Theory creates an interesting puzzle considering Virginia’s history with race and education. During the 1960s, in an effort to avoid desegregating schools, the state undertook “massive resistance” which forced most of the state’s public schools closed rather than open their doors to Black children. 

Among those who were subject to eventual desegregation --- shortly after the 10 years massive resistance campaign ended --- was State Sen. Jennifer McClellan, a Democrat from Richmond. She was among the first in her family to attend a mixed school and it's something she hasn’t forgotten as she and the recently elected Democratic majority have rolled back some of the state’s race-based policies. 

“I had a great-grandfather in 1901 who had to take a literacy test and find three white people to vouch for him to be able to register,” said the senator who is also seeking the Democratic nomination for governor in a primary election being held in June. “In January, I found a copy of my dad’s receipt for the poll tax he had to pay.” 

When asked if McClellan’s experience should be taught in Virginia schools, de la Peña said someone can always pick and choose the worst part of a country's past. 

“That’s the challenge you face when you want to dig into history,” he said. 

Cox said the right thing to do would be to teach kids how to overcome that history. 

“Kids get along great, maybe it would be nice if we didn’t try and divide them,” he said. 

Cox also said the massive resistance effort was spearheaded by Democrats, specifically Democratic Senator Harry Byrd. Notably, Cox spent his first year in the minority shutting down an effort by his own party to bring down a statue of Byrd that still sits on the grounds of the Capitol in Richmond. 

And while Critical Race Theory might be a way to message concerns about rapidly changing education methods, it also acts as a part of the right’s broader displeasure with the school system’s existence. 

School choice and concerns about transgender students have also been common themes as nominees vie for an edge. 

“There’s no way I’m going to come home to my daughter crying because she got cut because someone two weeks ago used to be a dude,” said businessman Pete Snyder, one of two heavily funded Republican candidates who did not make themselves available for interviews with Courthouse News. 

“People’s capacity to reach the American dream is through education but our system is turned upside down,” said Glenn Youngkin, the other out-of-reach businessman gunning for the nomination. 

Both Youngkin and Snyder have pointed to their fundraising hauls as reasons for their nomination, but it's notable that those fundraising efforts are a product of their own doing: Youngkin gave $5.5 million of his own money while Snyder doled out $5.1 million. 

Both have also topped straw polls as they participate in limited debates around the state;  whether it's the money, the stance on schools, or their lack of a political background, it's too soon to see if it’ll pay off, but some think it might.

“Public education needs to get out of the 19th century straitjacket if it wants to produce 21st century students,” said Shaun Kenney, former head of the Virginia Republican Party who left in 2015.

Kenney left the state party after some of the early state-wide failures, but he pointed to the lack of diversity within the party as his reason for leaving.  Still, he thinks pointing to critical race theory and education concerns might be a bigger hit not only in the base-driven convention, but statewide as well. 

“The end game of CRT is condescending lowered standards for people who think they get the short end of the stick,” he said. “This is where people get antsy, when you start talking about destroying these institutions like education or the police.”

He pointed to concerns about defunding the police lobbed by Democratic Congresswoman Abigail Spanberger, VA-7, after she narrowly held on to her seat during the 2020 race. Kenney argues that kind of radical messaging will help drive those in the middle to the right, especially those suburban moms his party lost under Trump as they look out for their top priority: their child’s education. 

“If parents want to elect to take their children elsewhere — classical education, special needs or a faith school — they should have that latitude,” he said of school choice. 

An estimated 54,000 Republican delegates from around the state will meet locally to pick their nominee on Saturday. They’ll use a rank choice ballot system, which adds some uncertainty to the end result. 

Kenney thinks it will come down to Snyder, Cox and then Youngkin in a distant third, but the rank choice method could make it anyone’s game. 

“Chase is stronger than people think,” he said before emphasizing the number of x-factors which make predicting any outcome a challenge. 

“Frankly, if anyone tells you they know how this is going to play out they’re lying,” he added.  

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